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Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton 

In thirty-two volumes 



Part III 

The English Invasion 

From a colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys 



A Chronicle of the Land of Evangeline 





Copyright in all Countries subscribing to 
the Berne Convention 











IV. IN TIMES OF WAR ..... 47 





^*X. THE EXPULSION . . ... 114 

THE EXILES ...... 138 


INDEX ..... X73 



1750 ....... Frontispiece 

From a colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys. 

THE ACADIAN PENINSULA . . . Facingpage i 

Map by Bartholomew. 


MAP ,,82 

Reproduced by Bartholomew. 



[THE name Acadia^j which we now associate 
with a great tragedy of history and songfgras 
first used by the French to distinguisnTlie 
eastern ormaritime part oTNew France from 
me weslernrj>art, which began^with the 
^]TTJawrence~valley and was called Canada/j 
Tjust where Acadia ended and Qanada began 
me French never clearly defined-j^n course 
of time, as will be seen, this question became 
a cause of war with the Engjish but we shall 
not be much at fault if wQake a line from the 
mouth of the river Penobscot, due north to 
the St Lawrence, to mark the western frontier 

1 The origin of the name is uncertain. By some authorities 
it is supposed to be derived from the Micmac algaty, signifying 
a camp or settlement. Others have traced it to the Micmac, meaning a place where something abounds. Thus, Sun- 
akade (Shunacadie, C.B.), the cranberry place ; Seguboon-ahade 
(Shubenacadie), the place of the potato, etc. The earliest map 
marking the country, that of Ruscelli (1561), gives the name 
Lacardie. Andr6 Thivet, a French writer, mentions the country 
in 1575 as Arcadia ; and many modern writers believe Acadia to 
be merely a corruption of that classic name. 
A.E. A 


of the Acadia of the French.! Thus, as the 
map shows, Acadia lay in that^reat peninsular 
which is flanlSedTBy two large islands, and is 
washed on the north and east by the river dficT 
gulf of St Lawrence, and on the south by the 
Atlantic Ocean ; and it comprised what are 
to-day parts of <2uebec_and Maine^as well as 
the provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, 
and Prince Edward IslandTT When the French 
came, and for long afterjthis country was 
the hunting ground of tribes of the Algonquin 
race Micmacs, Malecites, and Abnakis or 

By right of the discoveries of Jean Verra- 
zano (1524) and Jacques Cartier (1534-42) 
the French crown laid claim to all America 
north of the sphere of Spanish influence.. 
Colonial enterprise, however, did not thrive 
during the religious wars which rent Europe 
in the sixteenth century ; and it was not 
until after the Edict of Nantes in 1598 that 
France could follow up the discoveries of her 
seamen by an effort to colonize either Acadia 
or_jCana,da. Abortive attempts had indeed 
been made by the Marquis de la Roche, but 
these had resulted only in the marooning of 

Jifty unfortunate convicts on Sable Island. 

I The first real colonizing venture of the French 


in the New World was that of the Sieur de 
Monts, the patron and associate of Cham- 
plain. 1 The site of this first colony was in 
Acadia. Armed with viceregal powers and 
a trading monopoly for ten years, De Monts 
gathered his colonists, equipped two ships, 
and set out from Havre de Grace in April 
16047"! |7fce company numbered about a hun- 
drecTancT fifty Frenchmen of various rarn^ 
and conditions, from the lowest to the highest^ 
convicts taken from the prisons, labourers 
and artisans, Huguenot ministers and Catholic 
priests, some gentlemen of noble birth, among 
them Jean de Biencourt, Baron de Pou- 
trincourt, and the already famous explorer 

The vessels reached Cape La Heve on the 
south coast of Nova Scotia in May. They 
rounded Cape Sable, sailed up the Bay of 
Fundy, and entered the Annapolis Basin, 
which Champlain named Port Royal. The 
scene here so stirred the admiration of the 
Baron de Poutrincourt that he coveted the 
place as an estate for his family, and begged 
De Monts, who by his patent was lord of the 
entire country, to grant him the adjoining 
lands. De Monts consented ; the estate was 

1 See The Founder of New France in this Series, chap, ii 


conveyed ; and Poutrincourt became the 
seigneur of Port Royal. 

The adventurers crossed to the New Bruns- 
wick shore, turned their vessel westward, 
passed the mouth of the river St John, which 
they named, and finalty dropped anchor in 
Passamaquoddy Bay.^Jflere, on a small 
island near the mouth ofthe river St Croix, 
now on the boundary-line between New 
Brunswick and Maine, De Monts landed his 
colonists. They cleared the ground ; and, 
within an enclosure known as the Habitation 
de V Isle Saincte-Croix, erected a few buildings"! 
<one made with very fair and artificial 
carpentry work ' for De Monts, while others, 
less ornamental, were for ' Monsieur d'Orville, 
Monsieur Champlein, Monsieur Champdore, 
and other men of high standing.' 

Then as the season waned the vessels, which 
linked them to the world they had left, un- 
furled their sails and set out for France. 
Seventy-nine men remained at St Croix, 
among them De Monts and Champlain. In 
the vast solitude of forest they settled down 
for the wintegprwhich was destined to be full 
of horrors. iJBy spring thirty-five of the com- 
pany had died of scurvy and twenty more 
were at the point of death. Evidently 


St Croix was not a good place for a colony. 
The soil was sandy and there was no fresh 
water. So, in June, after the arrival of a 
vessel bringing supplies from France, De Monts 
and Champlain set out to explore the coasts 
in search of a better siteTT! Buf, finding none 
which they deemed suitatne,^hey decided 
tempt fortune at PuuliiiTCuui'lrS demain 
Port Royalty Thither, then, in August the ft, 
colonists moved, carrying their implements 
and stores across the Bay of Fundy, andfTand- 
ing on the north side of the Annapolis Basin, 
opposite Goat Island, where the village of 
Lower Granville now stands. 
Jrhe colony thus formed at Port Royal in the 
summer of 1605 the first agricultural settle- 
ment of Europeans on soil which is now 
Canadia^^-had a broken existence of eight 
years. >juwing to intrigues at the French 
court, De Monts lost his charter in 1607 and 
the colony was temporarily abandoned ; but 
it was re-established in 1610 by Pputrincourt 
and his son Charles de Biencourt. The 
episode of Port Royal, one of the most lively 
in Canadian history, introduces to us some 
striking characters. Besides the leaders in 
the enterprise, already mentioned De Monts, 
Champlain, Poutrincourt, and Biencourt 


we meet here Lescarbot, 1 lawyer, merry 
philosopher, historian, and farmer ; likewise, 
Louis Hebert, planting vines and sowing 
wheat the same Louis Hebert who after- 
wards became the first tiller of the soil at 
Quebec. Here, also, is Membertou, sagamore 
of the Micmacs, ' a man of a hundred 
summers ' and ' the most formidable savage 
within the memory of man.' Hither, too, 
in 1611, came the Jesuits Biard and Masse, 
the first of the black-robed followers of 
Loyola to set foot in New France. But the 
colony was to perish in an event which fore- 
shadowed the struggle in America between 
France and England. In 1613 the English 
Captain Argall from new-founded Virginia 
sailed up the coasts of Acadia looking for 
Frenchmen. The Jesuits had just begun on 
Mount Desert Island the mission of St Sauveur. 
This Argall raided and destroyed. He then 
went on and ravaged Port Royal. And its 
occupants, young Biencourt and a handful 
of companions, were forced to take to a 
wandering life among the Indians. 

1 Lescarbot was the historian of the colony. His History of 
New France, reprinted by the Champlain Society (Toronto, 1911), 
with an English translation, notes, and appendices by W. L. 
Grant, is a delightful and instructive work. 


renty years passed before the French 
made another organized effort to colonize 
Acadia. The interval, however, was not 
without events which had a bearing on the 
later fortunes of the colony. Missionaries 
from Quebec, both Recollets and Jesuits, took 
up their abode among the Indians, on the 
river St John and at Nipisiguit on Chaleur 
Bay. Trading companies exploited the fur 
fields and the fisheries, and French vessels 
visited the coasts every summer. It was 
during this period that the Epylisfr Puritans 
landed at Plymouth (1620), at Salem (1628), 
and at Boston (1630), and made a lodgment 
there on me souin-wesr name ot Acadia. The 
period, too, saw Sir William Alexander's 
Scots in Nova Scotia and saw the English 
Kirkes raiding the settlements of New 
France. 1 -x 

The Baron de Poutrincourt died in 1615, 
leaving his estate to his son Biencourt. And 
after Biencourt's own death in 1623, it was 
found that he had bequeathed a consider- 
able fortune, including all iitH hi ni pjfQJK^rty^gjpd 
rights in Acadia, to his friend and companion, 
that interesting and resourceful adventurer, 
Charles de la Tour. This man, when a lad of 

1 See The Jesuit Missions in this Series, chap. iv. 


fourteen, and his father, Claude de la Tour, 
had come out to Acadia in the service of 
Poutrincourt. After the destruction of Port 
Royal, Charles de la Tour had followed young 
Biencourt into the forest, and had lived with 
him the nomadic life of the Indians. Later, 
the elder La Tour established himself for 
trade at the mouth of the Penobscot, but he 
was driven away from this post by a party 
from the English colony at Plymouth. The 
younger La Tour, after coming into Bien- 
court's property, built Fort Lomeron, after- 
wards named St Louis, at the place now 
known as Port Latour, near Cape Sable. 
This made him in fact, if not in name, the 
French ruler of Acadia, for his Fort St Louis 
was the only place of any strength in the whole 

By 1627 the survivors of Biencourt 's wan- 
dering companions had settled down, some 
of them in their old quarters at Port Royal, 
but most of them with La Tour at Cape Sable. 
Then came to Acadia seventy Scottish settlers, 
sent hither by Sir William Alexander, who 
took up their quarters at Port Royal and 
named it Scots Fort. The French described 
these settlers as ' all kinds of vagabonds, 
barbarians, and savages from Scotland ' ; 


and the elder La Tour went to France to 
procure stores and ammunition, and to petition 
the king to grant his son a commission to 
hold Acadia against the intruders. But the 
elder La Tour was not to come back in the 
role of a loyal subject of France. He was 
returning in 1628 with the ships of the newly 
formed Company of One Hundred Associates, 
under Roquemont, when, off the Gaspe coast, 
appeared the hostile sail of the Kirkes ; and 
La Tour was taken prisoner to England. 
There he entered into an alliance with the 
English, accepted grants of land from Sir 
William Alexander, had himself and his son 
made Baronets of Nova Scotia, and promised 
to bring his son over to the English side. 
Young La Tour, when his father returned, 
accepted the gift, and by some means procured 
also, in 1631, a commission from the French 
king as lieutenant-general of Acadia. Later, 
as we shall see, his dual allegiance proved 

The restoration of Acadia to France in 
1632, by the Treaty of St Germain-en-Laye, 
was to Cardinal Richelieu the signal for a 
renewal of the great colonizing project which 
he had set on foot five years earlier and which 
had been interrupted by the hostile activities 


^ * iv\ \ u^>3> ^ 

of the Kirkes. 1 ^Richelieu appointed lieu- 
tenant-general of^Acadia Isaac de Razillyl 
one of the Company of One Hundred Assocft 
ates and commander of the Order of Malta, 
with authority to take over Acadia from the 
Scots. jjRa^illy brought out with him three 
hundredsettlers, recruited mainly from the 
districts of Touraine and Brittany the first 
considerable body of colonists to come to 
the countryTJ He was a man of more than 
ordinary aflmty, of keen insight and affable 
manners. ' The commander, ' wrote Champlain, 
' possessed all the qualities of a good, a per- 
fect sea-captain ; prudent, wise, industrious ; 
urged by the saintly motive of increasing the 
glory of God and of exercising his energy in 
New France in order to erect the cross of 
Christ and plant the lilies of France therein/ 
He planned for Acadia on a large scale. He 
endeavoured to persuade Louis XIII to main- 
tain a fleet of twelve vessels for the service of 
the colony, and promised to bring out good 
settlers from year to year. Unfortunately, 
his death occurred in 1635 before his dreams 
could be realized. He had been given the 
power to name his successor ; and on his 

l See The Founder of New Franse, chap, v, and The Jesuit 
Missions, chap. iv. 


death-bed he appointed his cousin and com- 
panion, Charles de Menou, Sieur d'Aulnay 
Charnisay, adjuring him ' not to abandon the 
country, but to pursue a task so gloriously 

Years of strife and confusion followed. 
Razilly had made La Heve his headquarters ; 
but Charnisay took up his at Port Royal. 1 
This brought him into conflict with Charles de 
la Tour, who had now established himself at 
the mouth of the river St John, and whose 
commission from the king, giving him juris- 
diction over the whole of Acadia, had, appa- 
rently, never been rescinded. The king, to 
whom the dispute was referred, instructed that 
an imaginary line should be drawn through 
the Bay of Fundy to divide the territory of 
Charnisay from that of La Tour. But this 
arrangement did not prevent the rivalry 
between the two feudal chiefs from develop- 
ing into open warfare. In the struggle the 
honours rested with Charnisay. Having first 
undermined La Tour's influence at court, he 
attacked and captured La Tour's Fort St 

1 Charnisay built his fort about six miles farther up than the 
original Port Royal, and on the opposite side of the river, at the 
place thenceforth known as Port Royal until 1710, and since then 
as Annapolis Royal or Annapolis. 


John. This happened in 1645. La Tour him- 
self was absent ; but his wife, a woman of 
heroic mould, made a most determined re- 
sistance. 1 La Tour was impoverished and 
driven into exile ; his remarkable wife died 
soon afterwards ; and Charnisay remained 
lord of all he surveyed. But Charnisay was 
not long to enjoy his dominion. In May 1650 
he was thrown by accident from his canoe into 
the Annapolis river and died in consequence 
of the exposure. 

In the year following Charnisay's death 
Charles de la Tour reappeared on the scene. 
Armed with a new patent from the French 
king, making him governor and lieutenant- 
general of Acadia, he took possession of his 
fort at the mouth of the St John, and further 
strengthened his position by marrying the 
widow of his old rival Charnisay. Three 
years later (1654), when the country fell again 
into the hands of the English, La Tour turned 
to good account his previous relations with 
them. He was permitted to retain his post, 
and lived happily with his wife 2 at Fort St 

1 This follows the story as told by Denys (see p. 18 note), which 
has been generally accepted by historians. But Charnisay in an 
elaborate memoir (M6moire Instruct//) gives a very different 
version of this affair. 

- They had five children, who married and settled in Acadia. 


John, so far as history records, until his death 
in 1666. 

By the Treaty of Breda in 1667 Acadia was 
restored to France, and a period ensued of 
unbroken French rule. The history of the 
forty-three years from the Treaty of Breda 
until the English finally took possession is first 
a history of slow but peaceful development, 
and latterly of raids and bloody strife in which 

Drench and English and Indians were involved. 

(In 1671 the population, according to a census 
of that year, numbered less than four hundred 
and fifty. This was presently increased by 
sixty new colonists from France. By 1685 
this population had more than doubled and 
the tiny settlements appeared to be thriving.. 
But after 1690 war again racked the land.^f 
During this period Acadia was under the 
government of Quebec, but there was always 
a local governor. The first of these, Hubert 
de Grandfontaine, came out in 1670. He and 
some of his successors were men of force and 
ability ; but others, such as Brouillan, who 
issued card money without authority and 
applied torture to an unconvicted soldier, and 

Many of their descendants may be counted among the Acadian 
families living at the present time in Nova Scotia and New 


Perrot, who sold liquor by the pint and the 
half-pint in his own house, were unworthy 
representatives of the crown. 

By 1710 the population of Acadia had grown 
W"about twenty-one hundred soujgjdistributed 
chiefly in the districts of Port Royal, Minas, 
and Chignecto. spftost of these were descended 
from the settlersMwought over by Razilly and 
Charnisay between 1633 and 16387 On the 
whole, they were a strong, healtHyf virtuous 
people, sincerely attached to their religion and 
their traditions^ The most notable singu- 
larity of their race was stubbornness, although 
they could be led by kindness where they 
could not be driven by force. Though in- 
clined to litigation, they were not unwilling 
to arbitrate their differences. They ' had 
none who were bred mechanics ; every farmer 
was his own architect and every man of pro- 
perty a farmer/ ' The term Mister was un- 
known among them.' - They took pride in 
their appearance and wore most attractive 
costumes, in which black and red colours pre- 
dominated. Content with the product of 
their labour and having few wants, they lived 
in perfect equality and with extreme frugality. 
In an age when learning was confined to the 
few, they were not more illiterate than the 


corresponding class in other countries.!^ In 
the summer the men were continuallyeni- 
ployed in husbandry. ' They cultivated chiefly 
the rich marsh-lands by the rivers and the sea, 
building dikes along the banks and shores to 
shut out the tide^s^and made little effort to 
clear the woodlahxlsV * In the winter they 
were engaged in cutting timber and wood for 
fuel and fencing, and in hunting ; the women 
in carding, spinning, and weaving wool, flax, 
and hemp, of which their country furnished 
abundance ; these, with furs from bears, 
beavers, foxes, otters, and martens, gave them 
not only comfortable, but in some cases hand- 
some clothing/j Although they had large herds 
of cattle, ' they never made any merchantable 
butter, being used to set their milk in small 
noggins which were kept in such order as to 
turn it thick and sour in a short time, of which 
they ate voraciously.' 1 

f The lands which the Acadians reclaimed 
rfom the sea and cultivated were fertile in the 
extreme^ A description has come down to 
us of ^vnat was doubtless a typical Acadian 
garden. In it were quantities of ' very fine 
well-headed cabbages and of all other sorts 
of pot herbs and vegetables.' Apple and pear 

1 Public Archives, Canada, Brown Collection, M 65ia, 171. 


trees brought from France flourished. The 
peas were ' so covered with pods that it could 
only be believed by seeing/ The wheat was 
particularly good. We read of one piece of 
land where ' each grain had produced six or 
eight stems, and the smallest ear was half a 
foot in length, filled with grain/ The streams 
and rivers, too, teemed with fish. The noise 
of salmon sporting in the rivers sounded like 
the rush of a turbulent rapid, and a catch such 
as ' ten men could not haul to land ' was often 
made in a night. Pigeons were a plague, 
alighting in vast flocks in the newly planted 
gardens. |IF the economic progress of the 
country ttktt been slow, the reason had lain, 
not in any poverty of natural resources, but 
in the scantiness of the population, the neglect 
of the home government, the incessant turmoil 
within, and the devastating raids of English 




|ALMOST from the first England had advanced 

weteums, slender though they were, to the 

ownership of Acadiajj And very early, as we 

have seen, the cokflly had been subjected to 

the scourge of English attacks. 

Argajl's expedition had been. Jittlfi . more 
than a buccaneeringrgxploit and an earnest 
of what was to come4 Nor did any permanent 
result, other than the substitution of the name 
Nova Scotia for Acadlajflow from Sir William 
Alexander's enterprise. Alexander, after- 
wards Lord Stirling, was a Scottish courtier 
in the entourage of James I, from whom he 
obtained in 1621 a grant of the province of 
New Scotland or Nova Scotia. A year later 
he sent out a small body of farm hands and 
one artisan, a blacksmith, to establish a'colony. 
The expedition miscarried ; and another in 
the next year shared a similar fate. A larger 
company of Scots, ^ho^vej^a^ alredy. men- 

A.B. B 


tioned, settled at Port Royal in j6^J^ and 
erected a fort, known as Scots Fort7 on the 
site of the original settlement of De Monts. 
This colony, with some reinforcements from 
Scotland, stood its ground until the country 
was ceded to France in 1632. On the arrival 
of Razilly in that year most of the Scottish 
settlers went home, and the few who remained 
were soon merged in the French population. 

For twenty-two years after this Acadia re- 
mained French, under the feudal sway of its 
overlords, Razilly, Charnisay, La Tour, and 

icolas Denys, the historian of Acadia. 1 But 
in 1654 the fleet of Robert Sedgwick suddenly 
appeared off Port Royal and compelled its sur- 
render in the name of Oliver Cromwell. Then 
for thirteen years Acadia was nominally Eng- 
lish. Sir Thomas Temple, the governor during 
this period, tried to induce English-speaking 
people to settle in the province, but with 
small succesjjffi England's hold of Acadia was, 
in fact, not very firnjTJ The son of Emmanuel 
Le Borgne, who claimed the whole country 
by right of a judgment he had obtained in 

1 He wrote The Description and Natural History of the Coasts 
of North America. An edition, translated and edited, with a 
memoir of the author, by W. F. Ganong-, will be found in the 
publications of the Champlain Society (Toronto, 1908). 


the French courts against Charnisay, appar- 
ently found little difficulty in turning the 
English garrison out of the fort at La Heve, 
leaving his unfortunate victims without means 
of return to New England, or of subsistence ; 
but in such destitution that they were forced 
' to live upon grass and to wade in the water 
for lobsters to keep them alive.' Some amus- 
ing correspondence followed between France 
and England. The French ambassador in 
London complained of the depredations com- 
mitted in the house of a certain Monsieur de 
la Heve. The English government, better in- 
formed about Acadia, replied that it knew of 
no violence committed in the house of M. de 
la Heve. ' Neither is there any such man in 
the land, but there is a place so called, which 
Temple purchased for eight thousand pounds 
from La Tour, where he built a house. But 
one M. le Borny, two or three years since, by 

force took it, so that the violence was on Le 


Borny's part.'^Tne strife was ended, how- 
ever, as already mentioned, by the Treaty of 
Breda in 1667, in the return of Acadia to 
France in exchange for the islands in the West 
Indies of St Christopher, Antigua, and Mont- 

Nearly a quarter of a century passed. 


France and England were at peace and Acadia 
enjoyed ireedom from foreign attack. But 
the accession of William of Orange to the 
throne of England heralded the outbreak of 
another Anglo-French war. The month of 
May 1690 saw Sir William_Phij3s. with AJie w 
England fleet and an army of over a thousand 
men off Port Royal, demanding its surrender. 
Menneval, the French governor, yielded fiis 
fortress on the understanding that he and the 
garrison should be transported to French 
soil. ^Phips, however, after pillaging the place, 
desecrating the church, hoisting the English 
flag, and obliging the inhabitants to take 
the oath of allegiance to William and Mary, 
catried off his prisoners to Boston. He was 
bent on the capture of Quebec in the same 
year and had no mind to make the necessary 
arrangements to hold Acadia. Hardly had 
he departed when a relief expedition from 
France, under the command of MennevaTs 
brother Villebon, sailed into Port "Royal. But 
as Villebon had no sufficient force to reoccupy 
the fort, he pulled down the English flag, re- 
placed it by that of France, and proceeded to 
the river St John. After a conference with 
the Indians there he went to Quebec, and 
was present with Frontenac in October when 


Ehips appeared with his summons to sur- 
render. 1 Villebon then went to France. A 
year later he returned as governor of Acadia 
and took up his quarters at Fort Jemseg, 
about fifty miles up the St John river. Here 
he organized war-parties of Indians to harry 
the English settlements ; and the struggle con- 
tinued, with raid and counter-raid, until 1697, 
when the Treaty of Ryswick halted the war 
between the two crowns. 

The formal peace, however, was not for 
long. ^Tn 1702 Queen Anne declared war 
againsTTrance and Spain. And before peace 
returned the final capture of Acadia had been 
effected^ It was no fault of Subercase, the 
French officer who in 1706 came to Port Royal 
as governor, thatjjhe fortunes of war went 
against him. In 1707 he beat off two violent 
attacks of the English ; and if sufficient means 
had been placed at his disposal, he might have 
retained the colony for France. But the 
ministry at Versailles, pressed on all sides, 
had no money to spare f ojr^the succourjpf 
Acadia. Subercase set forth with clearness 
the resources of the colony, and urged strong 
reasons in favour of its development. In 1708 
a hundred soldiers came to his aid ; but as no 

1 See The Fighting Governor in this Series, chap. vii. 


funds for their maintenance came with them, 
they became a burden. The garrison was re- 
duced almost to starvation ; and Subercase 
was forced to replenish his stores by the cap- 
ture of pirate vessels. The last letter he wrote 
home was filled with anguish over the impend- 
ing fate of Port Royal. His despair was not 
without cause. In the spring of 1710 Queen 
Anne placed Colonel Francis Nicholson, one 
of her leading colonial officers, in command 
of the troops intended for the recovery of 
Nova Scotia. An army of about fifteen hun- 
dred soldiers was raised in New England, and 
-X. ~2L. British fleet gathered in Boston Harbour. 
On October 5 (New Style) this expedition 
arrived before Port Royal. The troops landed 
and laid ..siege, once more to the much-harassed 
capital of AcadiaJ The result wasaJoregone / 
conclusion. Five day sTa^e> preliminary pro- 
posals were exchanged between Nicholson and 
Subercase. The starving inhabitants petitioned 
Subercase to "give up. He held out, however, 
till the cannonade of the enemy told him that 
he must soon yield to force. He then sent an 
officer to Nicholson to propose the terms of 
capitulation. It was agreed that the garrison 
should march out with the honours of war 
and be transported to France in English ships, 


and that the inhabitants within three miles of 
the fort should ' remain upon their estates, 
with their corn, cattle, and furniture, during 
two years, in case they are not desirous to 
go before, they taking the oath of allegi- 
ance and fidelity to Her Sacred Majesty of 
Great Britain.' Then to the roll of the drum, 
and with all the honours of war, the French 
troops marchfed^Qut and the New Englanders 
marched in. flTne British flag was raised, arid, 
in honour of tne^queen of England, Port Royal 
was named Annapolis Royal.j A banquet was 
held in the fortress to ^Cfrorate the event, 
and the French officers and their ladies were 
invited to it to drink the health of Queen 
Anne, while cannon on the bastions and cannon 
on the ramparts thundered forth a royal salute. 
The celebration over, Subercase sent an 
envoy to Quebec, to inform Vaudreuil, the 
governor of New France, of the fall of Port 
Royal, and then embarked with his soldiers 
for France. A few days later Nicholson took 
awaymost of his troops and repaired to Boston, 
leaving a garrison of four hundred and fifty 
men and officers under the command of Colonel 
Samuel Vetch to hold the newly- won post 
until peace should return and Her Majesty's 
pleasure concerning it be made known. 


As far as he was able, Vetch set up military 
rule at Annapolis Royal. He administered 
the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants of the 
banlieue within three miles of the fort 
according to the capitulation, and established 
a court to try their disputes. Many and grave 
difficulties faced the new governor and his 
officers. The Indians were hostile, and, quite 
naturally nffne state of war which prevailed, 
emissaries of the French strove to keep the 
Acadians unfriendly to their English masters. 
Moreover, Vetch was badly in want of money. 
The soldiers had ne proper clothing for the 
winter ; they had not been paid for their 
services ; the fort stood in need of repair ; 
and the military chest was empty. He could 
get no assistance from Boston or London, and 
his only resource seemed, to be to levy on the 
inhabitants in the old-fashioned way of con- 
querors. The Acadians pleaded poverty, but 
Vetch sent out armed men to enforce his order, 
and succeeded in collecting at least a part of 
the tribute he demanded, not only from the 
inhabitants round the fort over whom he had 
authority, but also from the settlers of Minas 
and Chignecto, who were not included in the 

The first winter passed, in some discomfort 


and privation, but without any serious mishap 
to the English soldiers. With the month of 
June, however, there came a disaster. The 
Acadians had been directed to cut timber for 
the repair of the fort and deliver it at Anna- 
polis. They had complied for a time and 
had then quit work, fearing, as they said, 
attacks from the Indian allies of the French, 
wnb threatened to kill them if they aided the 
enemy. Thereupon Vetch ordered an officer 
to take seventy-five men and go up the river 
to the place where the timber was being felled 
and ' inform the people that if they would 
bring it down they would receive every im- 
aginable protection,' but if they were averse 
or delayed to do so he was to * threaten them 
with severity.' * And let the soldiers make 
a show of killing their hogs,' the order ran, 
1 but do not kill any, and let them kill some 
fowls, but pay for them before you come away.' 
Armed with this somewhat peculiar military 
order, the troops set out. But as they 
ascended the river they were waylaid by a 
war-party of French and Indians, and within 
an hour every man of the seventy-five English 
was either killed or taken captive. 

Soon after this tragic affair Vetch went to 
Boston to take a hand in an invasion of 


Canada which was planned for that summer. 
This invasion was to take place by both sea 
and land simultaneously. Vetch joined the 
fleet of Sir Hovenden Walker, consisting of 
some sixty vessels which sailed from Boston 
in July. Meanwhile Colonel Nicholson stood 
near Lake Champlain, with a force of several 
thousand colonial troops and Six Nation 
Indians, in readiness to advance on Canada to 
co-operate with the fleet. But the fleet never 
got within striking distance. Not far above 
the island of Anticosti some of the ships ran 
aground and were wrecked ^/ith a loss of 
nearly a thousand men ; and the commander 
gave up the undertaking and bore away for 
England. When news of this mishap reached 
Nicholson he retreated and disbanded his men. 
But, though the ambitious enterprise ended 
ingloriously, it was not wholly fruitless, for it 
kept the French of Quebec on guard at home ; 
while but for this menace they would probably 
have sent a war-party in force to drive the 
English out of Acadia. 

; The situation of the English at Annapolis 
was indeed critical. Their numbers had been 
greatly reduced by disease and raids and the 
men were in a sorry plight for lack of provi- 
sions and clothing. Vetch could obtain neither 


men nor money from England or the colonies. 
Help, however, of a sort did come in the 
summer of 1712. This was in the form of a 
band of Six Nation Indians, allies of the 
English, from the colony of New York. 1 These 
savages. pitched their habitations not far from 
the fort, and thereafter the garrison suffered 
less from the Micmac and Abnaki allies of 
the French. 

The Acadians were in revolt ; and as long 
as they cherished the belief that their country- 
men would recover Acadia, all attempts to 
secure their allegiance tcrgueen Anne proved 
unavailing. At length,im" April 1713, the 
Treaty of Utrecht set at rest the question of 
the ownership of the counti^nf Cape Breton, 
He St Jean (Prince Edward Island), and other 
islands in the Gulf j^ere left in the hands of 
the French. But OfTewfoundland and ' all 
Nova Scotia_or Acaoia, with its ancient boun- 
daries, as also the city of Port Royal, now 
called Annapolis Royal/ passed to the British 

1 CollecUons of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, vol. iv, 
p. 41. 



WE have now to follow a sequence of events 
leading up to the calamity to be narrated in 
a later chapter. { By the Treaty of Utrecht 
the old king, Louis XIV, had obtained certain 
guarantees for his subjects in Acadia. It was 
provided that * they may have liberty to re- 
move themselves within a year to any other 
place with all their movable effects'; and 
that * those who are willing to remain therein 
and to be subject to the kingdom of Britain 
are to enjoy the free exercise of their religion/ 
And these terms were confirmed by a warrant 
of Queen Anne addressed to^Nicholson, under 
date of June 23, I7I3. 1 JThe status of the 

1 * Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you Well ! Whereas 
Our Good Brother the Most Christian King hath at Our desire 
released from imprisonment on board His Galleys, such of His 
subjects as were detained there on account of their professing 
the Protestant religion, We being willing to show by some 
mark of Our Favour towards His subjects how kindly we take 
His compliance therein, have therefore thought fit hereby to 
Signifie Our Will and Pleasure to you that you permit and allow 


Acadians under the treaty, reinforced by this 
warrant, seems to be sufficiently clear. If 
they wished to become British subjects, which 
of course implied taking the oath of allegiance, 
they were to enjoy all the privileges of citizen- 
shi^pot accorded, at that time to Catholics 
in Great Britain^ajsjivell as the free exercise 
of their religionTTTBut if they preferred to 
remove to another country within a year, 
they were to have that libertyf\ 

The French authorities were^Tiot slow to 
take advantage of tfris part of the treaty. In 
order to hold her position in the New World 
and assert her authority, France had trans- 
ferred the garrison which she had formerly 
maintained at Placentia, Newfoundland, to 
Cape Breton. This island she had renamed 
lie Royale, and here she was shortly to rear 

such of them as have any lands or Tenements in the Places 
under your Government in Acadie and Newfoundland, that have 
been or are to be yielded to Us by Vertue of the late Treaty of 
Peace, and are Willing to Continue our Subjects to retain and 
Enjoy their said Lands and Tenements without any Lett or 
Molestation as fully and freely as other our Subjects do or may 
possess their Lands and Estates or to sell the same if they shall 
rather Chuse to remove elsewhere And for so doing this shall 
be your Warrant, And so we bid you fare well. Given at our 
Court at Kensington the 2yd day of June 1713 in. the Twelfth 
Year of our Reign.' Public Archives, Canada. Noun Scotia A, 
vol. iv, p. 97. 


the great fortress of Louisbourg. It was to 
her interest to induce the Acadians to renmve 
to this new centre of French influence. In 
March 1713, therefore, the French king inti- 
mated his wish that^tfie Acadians should 
emigrate to He Royale^ every inducement, 
indeed, must be offerecTniem to settle there ; 
though he cautioned his officers that if any 
of the Acadians had already taken the oath 
of allegiance to Great Britain, great care must 
he exercised to avoid scandal. 
tjMany Acadians, then, on receiving attrac- 
tive offers of land in He Royale, applied to the 
English authorities for permission to depart. 
The permission was not granted*J It was first 
refused by Governor Vetch on the ground 
that he was retiring from office and was acting 
only in the absence of Colonel Nicholson.^ho 
had been recently appointed governor. (jThe 
truth is that the English regarded with alarm 
the removal of practically the entire popula- 
tion from Nova Scotfa. ] The governor of He 
Royale intervened, ana sent agents to Anna- 
polis Royal to make a formal demand on 
behalf of the Acadians, presenting in sup- 
port of his demand the warrant of Queen 
Anne. The inhabitants, it was said, wished 
to leave Nova Scotia and settle in He 


Royale, and * they expect ships to convey 
themselves and effects accordingly/ Nichol- 
son, who had now arrived as governor, took 
the position that he must refer the question 
to England for the consideration of Her 

When the demand of the governor of He 
Royale reached England, Vetch was in 
London ; and Vetch had financial interests 
in Nova Scotia. He at once appealed to the 
Lords of Trade, who in due course protested 
to the sovereign ' that this would strip Nova 
Scotia and greatly strengthen Cape Breton.' 
Time passed, however, and the government 
made no pronouncement on the question. 
Meanwhile Queen Anne had died. Matters 
drifted. The Acadians wished to leave, but 
were not allowed to employ British vessels. 
In despair they began to construct small 

r*"~ ^- _ _^ * _^ -^ . 

boats on tfieif own account, to carry their 
families and effects to He Royale. These 
boats, however, were seized by order of 
Nicholson, and the Acadians were explicitly 
forbidden to remove or to dispose of their 
possessions until a decision with regard to the 
question should arrive from England. 

In January 1715 the accession of George I 
was proclaimed throughout Acadia. But when 


the Acadians were required to swear allegiance 
to the new monarch, they proved obdurate. 
They agreed not to do anything against His 
Britannic Majesty as long as they remained in 
Acadia ; but they refused to take the oath 
on the plea that they had already pledged 
their word to migrate to He Royale. John 
Doucette, who arrived in the colony in October 
1717 as lieutenant-governor, was informed 
by the Acadians that * the French inhabitants 
had never own'd His Majesty as Possessor 
of this His Continent of Nova Scotia and 
L'Acadie.' When Doucette presented a paper 
for them to sign, promising them the same 
protection and liberty as the rest of His 
Majesty's subjects in Acadia, they brought 
forward a document of their own, which evi- 
dently bore the marks of honest toil, since 
Doucette ' would have been glad to have sent ' 
it to the secretary of state * in a cleaner manner.' 
"In it they declared, ' We shall be ready 
to carry into effect the demand proposed to 
us, as soon as His Majesty shall have done us 
the favour of providing some means of shelter- 
ing us from the savage tribes, who are always 
ready to do all kinds of mischief. ... In case 
other means cannot be found, we are ready to 
take an oath, that we will take up arms neither 


against His Britannic Majesty, nor against 
France, nor against any of their subjects or 
allies/ ! 

.The attitude of both France and England 
towards the unfortunate Acadians was thor- 
oughly selfish. The French at Louisbourg, 
after their first attempt to bring the Acadians 
to He Royale, relapsed into inaction. They 
still hoped doubtless that Acadia would be 
restored to France, and while they would 
have been glad to welcome the Acadians, they 
perceived the advantage of keeping them 
under French influence in British territory. 
In order to do this they had at their hand 
convenient means. The guarantee to the 
Acadians of the freedom of their religion had 
entailed the presence in Acadia of French 
priests not British subjects, who were paid j 
by the French government and were under 
the direction of the bishop of Quebec. These 
priests were, of course, loyal to France and 
inimical to Great Britain. Another source of 
influence possessed by the French lay in their 
alliance with the Indian tribes, an alliance 
which the missionary priests helped to hold 
firm. The fear of an Indian attack was 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Noua Scotia A, vol. viii, p. 181 
et seq. 

A.E. C 


destined on more than one occasion to keep 
the Acadians loyal to France. On the other 
hand, the British, while loth to let the 
Acadians depart, did little to improve their 
lot. It was a period of great economy in 
English colonial administration. Walpole, in 
his desire to~reduce taxation, devoted very 
little money to colonial development ; and 
funds were doled out to the authorities at 
Annapolis in the most parsimonious manner. 
' It is a pity/ wrote Newton, the collector of 
the customs at Annapolis and Canso, in 1719, 
that ' so fine a province as Nova Scotia should 
lie so long neglected. As for furs, feathers, 
and a fishery, we may challenge any province 
'in America to produce the like, and beside 
that here is a good grainery ; masting and 
naval stores might be provided hence. And 
was here a good establishment fixt our returns 
would be very advantageous to the Crown 
and Great Britain. 1 As it was, the British 
ministers were content to send out elaborate 
instructions for the preservation of forests, 
the encouragement of fisheries and the 
prevention of foreign trade, without pro- 
viding either means for carrying out the 
schemes, or troops for the protection of the 


Nothing further was done regarding the oath J 
of allegiance until the arrival of Governor 
Philipps in 1720, when the Acadians were 
called upon to take the oath or leave the 
country within four months, taking with them 
only two sheep per family. This, it seems, 
was merely an attempt to intimidate the 
people into taking the oath, for when the 
Acadians, having no boats at their disposal, 
proposed to travel by land, and began to cut 
out a road for the passage of vehicles, they 
were stopped in the midst of their labours by 
order of the governor. _ -^ 

In a letter to England Philipps expressed 
the opinion that the Acadians, if left alone, 
would no doubt become contented British 
subjects, that their emigration at this time 
would be a distinct lojsjtojthej^Lr-r^g^") which 
was supplied by their labours. He added 
that the French were active in maintaining 
their influence over them. One potent factor 
in keeping them restless was the circulation 
of reports that the English would not much 
Jpnger tolerate CatholicismJ_The Lords of 
Trade took this letter into consideration, and 
in their reply of December 28, 1720, we find 
the proposal to remove the Acadians as a 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia A, vol. xi, p. 186. 


means of settling the problem. 1 This, how- 
ever, was not the first mooting of the idea. 
During the same year Paul Mascarejie^ in ' A 
Description of Nova Scbtia, r had given two 
reasons for the expulsion of the inhabitants : 
first, that they were Roman Catholics, under 
the full control of French priests opposed to 
British interests ; secondly, that they con- 
tinually incited the Indians to do mischief or 
disturb English settlements. On the other 
hand, Mascarene discovered two motives for 
retaining them : first, in order that they 
might not strengthen the French establish- 
ments ; secondly, that they might be em- 
ployed in furnishing supplies for the garrison 
and in preparing fortifications until such time 

1 ' As to the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia, who appear 
so wavering in their inclinations, we are apprehensive they will 
never become good subjects to His Majesty whilst the French 
Governors and their Priests retain so great an influence over 
them, for which reason we are of opinion, that they ought to be 
removed so soon as the forces which we have proposed to be 
sent to you shall arrive in Nova Scotia for the protection and 
better settlement of your Province, but as you are not to attempt 
their removal without His Majesty's positive orders for that 
purpose, you will do well in the meanwhile to continue the same 
prudent and cautious conduct towards them, to endeavour to 
undeceive them concerning the exercise of their religion, which 
will doubtless be allowed them if it should be thought proper 
to let them stay where they are.' Public Archives, Canada. 
Nova Scotia A, vol. xii, p. 210. 


as the English were strong enough to do 
without them. 1 

It does not appear that either the English 
or the French government had any paternal 
affection for the poor Acadians ; but each was 
fully conscious of the use to which they might 
be put. 

In a letter to the Lords of Trade Philipps 
sums up the situation. * The Acadians,' he 
says, ' decline to take the oath of allegiance 
on two grounds that in General Nicholson's 
time they had signed an obligation to con- 
tinue subjects of France and retire to Cape 
Breton, and that the Indians would cut their 
throats if they became Englishmen.' 

If they are permitted [he continues] to 
remain upon the footing they propose, it is 
very probable they will be obedient to 
government as long as the two Crowns con- 
tinue in alliance, but in case of a rupture 
will be so many enemies in our bosom, and 
I cannot see any hopes, or likelihood, of 
making them English, unless it was possible 
to procure these Priests to be recalled who 
are tooth and nail against the Regent ; not 

1 'A Description of Nova Scotia,' by Paul Mascarene, trans- 
mitted to the Lords of Trade by Governor Philipps. Public 
Archives, Canada. Noua Scotia A, vol. xii, p. 1x8. 


sticking to say openly that it is his day 
now, but will be theirs anon ; and having 
others sent in their stead, which (if any- 
thing) may contribute in a little time to 
make some change in their sentiments. 

He further suggests an ' oath of obliging the 
Acadians to live peaceably/ to take up arms 
against the Indians, but not against the 
French, to acknowledge the king's right to 
the country, to obey the government, and to. 
hold their lands of the king by a new tenure, 
' instead of holding them (as at present) from 
lords of manors who are now at Cape Breton, 
jwhere at this day they pay their rent/ l 

There were signs that the situation was not 
^ entirely hopeless. The Acadians were not 
allowed to leave the country, or even to settle 
down to the enjoyment of their homes ; they 
were employed in supplying the needs of the 
troops, or in strengthening the British fortifi- 
cations ; yet they seem to have patiently 
accepted the inevitable. The Indians com- 
mitted acts of violence, but^he Acadians re- 
mained peaceable. There was, too, a certain 
amount of intermarriage between Acadian 
girls and the British soldiers. In those early 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Noua Scotia A, vol. xii, p. 96. 


days of Nova Scotia, girls of a marriageable 
age were few and were much sought after. 
There was in Annapolis an old French gentle- 
woman ' whose daughters, granddaughters, 
and other relatives ' had married British 
officers. These ladies soon acquired consider- 
able influence and were allowed to do much 
as they pleased. ) The old gentlewoman, Marie 
Magdalen Maisonat, who had married Mr 
William Winniett, a leading merchant and one 
of the first British inhabitants of Annapolis, 
became all-powerful in the town, not only 
on account of her own estimable qualities, 
but also on account of the position held by 
her daughters and granddaughters. Soldiers 
arrested for breach of discipline often pleaded 
that they had been 'sent for to finish a job 
of work for Madame ' ; and this excuse was 
usually sufficient to secure an acquittal. If 
not, the old lady would on her own authority 
order the culprit 's release, and ' no further 
enquiry was made into the matter.' One 
British officer, who had incurred her displea- 
sure, was told that * Me have rendered King 
Shorge more important service dan ever you 
did or peut-etre ever shall, and dis is well 
known to peoples en autoritej which may 
have been true if, as was asserted, she some- 


times presided at councils of war in the 
fort. 1 

It was with the Indians, rather than with 
the Acadians, that the authorities had the 
greatest trouble. After several hostile acts 
had been committed, the governor deter- 
mined to try the effect of the gentle art of 
persuasion. He sent to England an agent 
named Bannfield to purchase a large quantity 
of presents for the Indians. Bannfield was 
thoroughly dishonest, and appropriated two- 
thirds of the money to his own use, expending 
the remainder on the purchase of articles of 
'exceeding bad quality.' A gorgeous enter- 
tainment was prepared for the savages, and 
the presents were given to them. The^ Indians 
took away the presents, but their missionaries 
had little difficulty in showing them the in- 
feriority of the English gifts ; and Philipps 
noted that they did not appear satisfied. 
' They will take all we give them,' he wrote, 
' and cut our throats next day.' At length 
the Indians boldly declared war against the 
British, an action which Philipps attributed 
to the scandalous conduct of the agent Bann- 

1 Knox, An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North 
America. Edited, etc., by A. G. Doughty. Vol. i, pp. 94-6. 
(Toronto : The Champlain Society, 1914.) 


field. At the instigation of the French of He 
Royale, they kept up hostilities for two years 
and committed many barbarities. The Mic- 
macs seized fishing smacks, and killed and 
scalped a number of English soldiers and 
fishermen. It was not until a more attractive 
supply of presents arrived, and were distri- 
buted among the chiefs, that they could be 
induced to make peace. 

During the progress of the Indian- war 
Governor Philipps had prudently refrained 
from discussing with the.Acadians i the .question 
of the oath ] but in 1726 Lawrence Armstrong^ 
the lieutenant-governor, resolved"tcrfaEe up 
the matter again. In the district of Anna- 
polis he had little trouble. The inhabitants 
there consented, after some discussion, to sign 
a declaration of allegiance, with a clause 
exempting them from the obligation of taking 
up arms. 1 But to deal with the Acadians of 
Minas and of Beaubassin on Chignecto Bay 
proved more difficult. Certain ' anti-mon- 
archical traders ' from Boston and evil-inten- 
tioned French inhabitants had represented in 
these districts that the governor had no 
authority in the land, and no power to ad- 

1 This oath applied only to the inhabitants of the district of 


minister oaths. No oath would these Acadians 
take but to their own Bon Roy de France. 
They promised, however, to pay all the rights 
and dues which the British demanded. 

The death of George I in 1727, and the acces- 
sion of George II, made it necessary for the 
Acadians to acknowledge the new monarch. 
This time the lieutenant-governor was deter- 
mined to do the business in a thorough and 
comprehensive manner. He chartered a vessel 
at a cost of a hundred pounds, and commis- 
sioned Ensign Wroth to proceed from place 
to place at the head of a detachment of troops 
proclaiming the new king and obtaining the 
submission of the people. Wroth was emi- 
nently successful in proclaiming His Majesty ; 
but he had less success in regard to the oath. 
Finding the Acadians obdurate, he promised 
them on his own authority freedom in the 
exercise of their religion, exemption from bear- 
ing arms, and liberty to withdraw from the 
province at any time. These * unwarrantable 
concessions ' Armstrong refused to ratify ; and 
the Council immediately declared them null 
and void, although they resolved that * the 
inhabitants . . . having signed and proclaimed 
His Majesty and thereby acknowledged his 
title and authority to and over this Province, 


shall have the liberties and privileges of Eng- 
lish subjects/ 1 This was all the Acadians 
wished for. 

The commission of Ensign Wroth did not 
extend to the district of Annapolis, which was 
dealt with by the Council. The deputies of 
the Acadians there were summoned to appear 
before the Council on September 6, 1727. 
But the inhabitants, instead of answering the 
summons, called a meeting on their own 
account and passed a resolution, signed by 
seventy-one of their people, which they for- 
warded to the Council. In this document they 
offered to take the oath on the conditions 
offered by Wroth. This the Council considered 
' insolent and defiant/ and ordered the arrest 
of the deputies. On September 16 Charles 
Landry, Guillaume Bourgois, Abraham Bourg, 
and Francois Richard were brought before the 
Council, and, on refusing to take the oath 
except on the terms proposed by themselves, 
were committed to prison for contempt and 
disrespect to His Majesty. Next day the lieu- 
tenant-governor announced that ' they had 
been guilty of several enormous crimes in 
assembling the inhabitants in a riotous manner 
contrary to the orders of government both as 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia B, vol. i, p. 177. 


to time and place and likewise in framing a 
rebellious paper.' It was then resolved : 
' That Charles Landry, Guillaume Bourgois 
and Francis Richard, for their said offence, 
and likewise for refusing the oath of fidelity 
to His Majesty which was duly tendered them, 
be remanded to prison, laid in irons, and there 
remain until His Majesty's pleasure shall be 
made known concerning them, and that 
Abraham Bourg, in consideration of his great 
age, shall have leave to retire out of this His 
Majesty's Province, according to his desire 
and promise, by the first opportunity, leaving 
his effects behind him. 1 1 The rest of the in- 
habitants were to be debarred from fishing on 
the British coasts. It is difficult to reconcile 
the actions of the Council. The inhabitants 
who cheerfully subscribed to the oath, with 
the exceptions made by Ensign Wroth, were 
to be accorded the privileges of British sub- 
jects, while some of those who would have 
been glad to accept the same terms were laid 
in irons, and the others debarred from fishing, 
their main support. 

Shortly after this Philipps was compelled 
to return to Nova Scotia in order to restore 
tranquillity ; for his lieutenant Armstrong, 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia B, vol. i, p. 159. 


a man of quick temper, had fallen foul of the 
French priests, especially the Abbe Breslay, 
whom he had caused to be handled somewhat 
roughly. Armstrong, seeking an alliance with 
the Abnakis, had been foiled by the French 
and had laid the blame at the door of the 
priest, demanding the keys of the church and 
causing the presbytery to be pillaged. In the 
end Breslay had escaped in fear of his life. 
It was his complaints, set forth in a memorial 
to the government, that had brought about 
Philipps's return. The Acadians, with whom 
Philipps was popular, welcomed him in a 
public manner ; and Philipps took advan- 
tage of the occasion to approach them again 
on the subject of the oath. He restored the 
Abbe Breslay to his flock, promised the people 
freedom in religious matters, and assured them / 
that they would not be required to take up j 
arms. Then all the Acadians in the district 
of Annapolis subscribed to the following oath : / 
I promise and swear on the faith of a Christian 
that I will be truly faithful and will submit 
myself to His Majesty King George the Second, 
whom I acknowledge as the lord and sovereign 
of Nova Scotia or Acadia. So help me God. 
In the spring of 1728 Philipps obtained also 
the submission of the inhabitants of the other 


districts, on similar terms ; and even the 
Indians professed a willingness to submit. 
This was a triumph for the administration of 
Philipps, and laid at rest for a time the vexed 
question of the oath. The triumph was, 
however, more superficial than real, as we 
shall see by and by. 



WHEN Philipps had set at rest the question 
of the oath of allegiance, he returned to 
England, and Armstrong, less pacific than 
his chief, again assumed the administration, 
and again had some trouble with the priests. 
Two Acadian missionaries had been expelled 
from the country for want of respect to the 
governor ; and Armstrong informed the in- 
habitants that in future he must be consulted 
regarding the appointment of ecclesiastics, 
and that men from Quebec would not be 
acceptable. Erouillan, the governor of He 
Royale, had taken the ground that the 
Acadian priests, not being subjects of Great 
Britain, were not amenable to the British 
authorities. This view was held by the priests 
themselves. The president of the Navy 
Board at Paris, however, rebuked Brouillan, 
and informed him that the priests in Acadia 
should by word and example teach the obedi- 
ence due to His Britannic Majesty. This pro- 



nouncement cleared the air ; the disagree- 
ments with the missionaries were soon ad- 
justed ; and one of them, St Poncy, after 
being warned to cultivate the goodwill of the 
governor, was permitted to resume his pastoral 
duties at Annapolis Royal. 

On the death of Armstrong, on December 6, 
1739, from wounds supposed to have been in- 
flicted by his own hand, John Adams was 
appointed lieutenant-governor and president 
of the Council. In the following spring, how- 
ever, Adams was displaced by a vote of the 
Council in favour of Major Paul Mascarene. 
* The Secretary came to my House,' wrote 
Adams to the Duke of Newcastle, * and re- 
ported to me the judgment of the Council in 
favour of Major Mascarene, from whose judg- 
ment I appealed to His Majesty and said if 
you have done well by the House of Jerubable 
[Jerubbaal] then rejoice ye in Abimelech and 
let Abimelech rejoice in you.' l After this 
lucid appeal, Adams, who had deep religious 
convictions, retired to Boston and bemoaned 
the unrighteousness of Annapolis. 2 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia A, vol. xxv, p. 9. 

a Writing from Boston to the Lords of Trade, Adams said : 
'I would have returned to Annapolis before now. But there 
was no Chaplain in the Garrison to administer God's word 
and sacrament to the people. But the Officers and Soldiers in 


It was under Mascarene's administration 
that Nova Scotia passed through the period 
of warfare which now supervened. For some 
time relations between France and England 
had been growing strained in the New World, 
owing chiefly to the fact that the Peace of 
Utrecht had left unsettled the perilous ques- 
tion of boundary between the rival powers. 
There was the greatest confusion as to the 
boundaries of Nova Scotia or Acadia. The 
treaty had given Great Britain the province of 
Acadia ' with its ancient boundaries.' The 
' ancient boundaries/ Great Britain claimed, 
included the whole mainland of the present 
maritime provinces and the Gaspe peninsula ; 
whereas France contended that they embraced 
only the peninsula of Nova Scotia. Both 
powers, therefore, claimed the country north 
of the isthmus of Chignecto, and the defini- 
tion of the boundary became a more and more 
pressing question. 

Garrison have Prophaned the Holy Sacrament of Baptism and 
Ministeriall Function, by presuming to Baptize their own chil- 
dren. Why His Majesty's Chaplain does not come to his Duty 
I know not, but am persuaded it is a Disservice and Dishonour 
to our Religion and Nation ; and as I have heard, some have got 
their children Baptized by the Popish Priest, for there has been 
no Chaplain here for above these four years.' Public Archives, 
Canada. Nova Scotia A, vol. xxv, p. 176. 



The outbreak of the war of the Austrian 
Succession in Europe in 1741 set the match to 
the fuse. By 1744 the French and English on 
the Atlantic seaboard were up in arms. The 
governor of He Royale lost no time in attack- 
ing Nova Scotia. He invaded the settle- 
ments at Canso with about five hundred men ; 
and presently a band of Indians, apparently 
led by the Abbe Le Loutre, missionary to the 
Micmacs, marched against Annapolis Royal. 
Towards these aggressions the Acadians as- 
sumed an attitude of strict neutrality. On 
the approach of Le Loutre's Micmacs they 
went to their homes, refusing to take part in 
the affair. Then when the raiders withdrew, 
on the arrival of reinforcements from Boston, 
the Acadians returned to their work on the 
fort. During the same year, when Du Vivier 
with a considerable French force appeared 
before Annapolis, _the Acadians aided him 
with provisions. But when the French troops 
desired to winter at Chignecto, the Acadians 
objected and persuaded them to leave, which 
' made their conduct appear to have been 
on this occasion far better than could have 
been expected from them.' 1 Once more the 
Acadians resumed their work on the fortifica- 

1 Nova Scotia Documents, p. 147. 


tions and supplied the garrison with provi- 
sions. They frankly admitted giving assist- 
ance to the French, but produced an order 
from the Sieur du Vivier threatening them 
with punishment at the hands of the Indians 
if they refused. 

In May of the following year (i745) a_party 
of Canadians and Indians, junder the jraider 
Marin, invested Annapolis. Again the Aca^jans 
refused to take up arms and again assisted 
the invaders with supplies. By the end oTtfie 
month, however, Mariri and his raiders had 
vanished and the garrison at Annapolis saw 
them no more. They had been urgently sum- 
moned by the governor of He Royale to come 
to his assistance, for Louisbourg was even 
then in dire peril. An army of New Englanders 
under Pepperrell, supported by a squadron of 
the British Navy under Warren, had in fact 
laid siege to the fortress in the same month. 1 
But Mann's raiders could render no effective 
service. On the forty-ninth day of the siege 
Louisbourg surrendered to the English, 2 and 

1 See The Great Fortress in this Series, chap. ii. 
. 2 June 17, Old Style, June 28, New Style, 1745. The English 
at this time still used the Old Style Julian calendar, while the 
French used the Gregorian, New Style. Hence some of the 
disagreement in respect to dates which we find in the various 
accounts of this period. 


shortly afterwards the entire French popula- 
tion, civil and military, among them many 
Acadians, were transported to France. 

The fall of Louisbourg and the removal of 
the inhabitants alarmed the French authorities, 
who now entertained fears for the safety of 
Canada and determined to take steps for the 
recapture of the lost stronghold, and with it 
the whole of Acadia, in the following year. 
Accordingly, a formidable fleet, under the 
command of the Due d'Anville, sailed from 
La Rochelle in June 1746 ; while the governor 
of Quebec sent a strong detachment of fight- 
ing Canadians under Ramesay to assist in the 
intended siege. But disaster after disaster 
overtook the fleet. A violent tempest scat- 
tered the ships in mid-ocean and an epidemic 
carried off hundreds of seamen and soldiers. 
In the autumn the commander, with a remnant 
of his ships, arrived in Chebucto Bay (Halifax), 
where he himself died. The battered ships 
finally put back to France, and nothing came 
of the enterprise. 1 Meanwhile, rumours having 
reached Quebec of a projected invasion of 
Canada by New England troops, the governor 
Beauharnois had recalled Ramesay's Cana- 
dians for the defence of Quebec ; but on hear- 

1 See The Great Fortress, chap. iii. 


ing that the French ships had arrived in 
Chebucto Bay, and expecting them to attack 
Annapolis, Ramesay marched his forces into 
the heart of Acadia in order to be on hand to 
support the fleet. Then, when the failure of 
the fleet became apparent, he retired to Beau- 
bassin at the head of Chignecto Bay, and pro- 
ceeded to fortify the neck of the peninsula, 
building a fort at Baie Verte on the eastern 
shore. He was joined by a considerable band 
of Malecites and Micmacs under the Abbe Le 
Loutre ; and emissaries were sent out among 
the Acadians as far as Minas to persuade 
them to take up arms on the side of the 

William Shirley, the governor of Massa- 
chusetts, who exercised supervision over the 
affairs of Nova Scotia, seeing in this a real 
menace to British power in the colony, raised 
a thousand New Englanders and dispatched 
them to Annapolis. Of these only four hun- 
dred and seventy, under Colonel Arthur Noble 
of Massachusetts, arrived at their destination. 
Most of the vessels carrying the others were 
wrecked by storms ; one was driven back by 
a French warship. In December, however, 
Noble's New Englanders, with a few soldiers 
from the Annapolis garrison, set out to rid 


Acadia of the Canadians ; and after much 
hardship and toil finally reached the village 
of Grand Pre in the district of Minas. Here 
the soldiers were quartered in the houses of 
the Acadians for the winter, for Noble had 
decided to postpone the movement against 
Ramesay's position on the isthmus until 
spring. It would be impossible, he thought, 
to make the march through the snow. 

But the warlike Canadians whom Ramesay 
had posted in the neck of land between Chig- 
necto Bay and Baie Verte did not think so. 
No sooner had they learned of Noble's posi- 
tion at Grand Pre than they resolved to sur- 
prise him by a forced march and an attack by 
night. Friendly Acadians warned the British 
of the intended surprise ; but the over-con- 
fident Noble scouted the idea. The snow in 
many places was * twelve to sixteen feet deep, 1 
and no party, even of Canadians, thought 
Noble, could possibly make a hundred miles 
of forest in such a winter. So it came to pass 
that one midnight, early in February, Noble's 
men in Grand Pre found themselves sur- 
rounded. After a plucky fight in which sixty 
English were killed, among them Colonel 
Noble, and seventy more wounded, Captain 
Benjamin Goldthwaite, who had assumed the 


command, surrendered. The enemies then, 
to all appearances, became the best of friends. 
The victorious Canadians sat down to eat and 
drink with the defeated New Englanders, who 
made, says Beaujeu, one of the Canadian 
officers, ' many compliments on our polite 
manners and our skill in making war/ The 
English prisoners were allowed to return to 
Annapolis with the honours of war, while 
their sick and wounded were cared for by 
the victors. This generosity Mascarene after- 
wards gratefully acknowledged. 

When the Canadians returned to Chignecto 
with the report of their victory over the 
British, Ramesay issued a proclamation to 
the inhabitants of Grand Pre setting forth 
that ' by virtue of conquest they now owed 
allegiance to the King of France/ and warn- 
ing them ' to hold no communication with the 
inhabitants of Port Royal/ This proclama- 
tion, however, had little effect. With few 
exceptions the Acadians maintained their 
former attitude and refused to bear arms, 
even on behalf of France and in the presence 
of French troops. ' There were,' says Mas- 
carene, 'in the last action some of those in- 
habitants, but none of any account belonging 
to this province. . . . The generality of the 


inhabitants of this province possess still the 
same fidelity they have done before, in which 
I endeavour to encourage them/ 

Quite naturally, however, there was some 
unrest among the Acadians. After the cap- 
ture of Louisbourg in 1745 the British had 
transported all the inhabitants of that place 
to France ; and rumours were afloat of an 
expedition for the conquest of Canada and 
that the Acadians were to share a similar 
fate. This being made known to the British 
ministry, the Duke of Newcastle wrote to 
Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, instruct- 
ing him to issue a proclamation assuring the 
Acadians ' that there is not the least founda- 
tion for any apprehension of that nature : but 
that on the contrary it is His Majesty's resolu- 
tion to protect and maintain all such of them 
as shall continue in their duty and allegiance 
to His Majesty in the quiet and peaceable 
possession of their habitations and settle- 
ments and that they shall continue to enjoy 
the free exercise of their religion.' 1 

Shirley proceeded to give effect to this order. 
He issued a proclamation informing the in- 
habitants of the intention of the king towards 

1 Newcastle to Shirley, May 30, 1747. Canadian Archives 
Report, 1905, Appendix C, vol. ii, p. 47. 


them ; omitting, however, that clause relating 
to their religion, a clause all-important to 
them. The document was printed at Boston 
in French, and sent to Mascarene to be distri- 
buted. Mascarene thought at the time that 
it produced a good effect. Shirley's instruc- 
tions were clear ; but in explanation of his 
omission he represented that such a promise 
might cause inconvenience, as it was desirable 
to wean the Acadians from their attachment 
to the French and the influence of the bishop 
of Quebec. He contended, moreover, that the 
Treaty of Utrecht did not guarantee the free 
exercise of religion. In view of this explana- 
tion, 1 Shirley's action was approved by the 

In Shirley's proclamation several persons 
were indicted for high treason, 2 and a reward 
of 50 was offered for the capture of any one 
offender named. These, apparently, were the 
only pronounced rebels in the province. There 
were more sputterings in Acadia of the re- 
lentless war that raged between New France 
and New England. Shirley had sent another 
detachment of troops in April to reoccupy 
Grand Pre ; and the governor of Quebec had 

1 Bedford to Shirley, May 10, 1748. 

2 Canadian Archives Report. 1905, Appendix C, vol. ii, p. 48. 


sent another war-party. But in the next 
year (1748) the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
by which He Royale (Cape Breton) and 
He St Jean (Prince Edward Island) were 
restored to France, brought hostilities to a 



I IN Nova ScotiajEngland was weak from the 

kact that no settlements of her own people had 
been established there. After thirty vears of 
British ruljjMascarene had written, ,There is 
no number of English inhabitants settled in 
this province worth mentioning^ except the 
five companies here [at Annapolisf and four at 
Canso.' Now the restoration to France of 
Cape Breton with the fortress of Louisbourg 
exposed Nova Scotia to attack ; and in time 
of war with France the Acadians would be a 

^gource of weakness rather than of strength. 

Vjreat Britain, therefore, resolved to try the 
experiment of forming in Nova Scotia a colony 
other own sons! 1 ^ CV^u^ 

f hus it came-4o pass that a fleet of trans- 
ports carrying over twenty-five hundred colon- 
ists, counting women and chilcirenjf escorted 
by a sloop-of-w^7Tast anchor in Chebucto 
Bayjnjfuly 174^ ihis expedition was com- 

V 59 


manded by Edward Cornwallis, the newly 
appointed governor and captain-general of 
Nova Scotia. He was a young officer of 
thirty-six, twin-brother of the Rev. Frederick 
Cornwallis, afterwards Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and uncle of the more famous Lord 
Cornwallis who surrendered at Yorktown 
thirty-two years later. jTWith the colonists 
came many officers ancTHisbanded soldiers/ 
came, also, the soldiers of the garrison wmcii 
had occupied Louisbourg before the peace ; 
for the new settlement, named Halifax in 
honour of the president of the Lords of Trade, 
was to be a military stronghold, as well as a 
naval base, and the seat of government for 
the province. 

While Cornwallis and his colonists laid the 
foundations of Halifax, cleared the land, 
formed the streets, put up their dwellings and 
defences, and organized their government, the 
home authorities took up the problem of 
securing more settlers for Nova Scotia. Corn- 
wallis had been instructed to prepare for 
settlements at Minas, La Heve, Whitehead, 
and Baie Verte, the intention being that the 
newcomers should eventually absorb the 
Acadians living at these places. It had been 
suggested to the Lords of Trade, probably by 


T#hn Dick, a merchant of Rotterdam, that 
V tjie most effective means to this end would be 
Ho introduce a large French Protestant element 
into Nova Scotia. The government thereupon 
gave instructions that the land should be 
surveyed and plans prepared dividing the 
territory into alternate Protestant and Catho- 
lic sectionsTy^nirough intercourse and inter- 
marriage with neighbours speaking their own 
tongue, it was fondly hoped that the Acadians, 
in coujsfipOf time, would become loyal British 
subjectsj The next step was to secure French 
Protesfant emigrants. In December 1749 the 
Lords of Trade entered into a contract with 
John Dick to transport ' not more than fifteen 
hundred foreign Protestants to Nova Scotia.' 1 
Dick was a man of energy and resource and, 
in business methods, somewhat in advance of 
his age. He appears to have understood the 
value of advertising, judging from the hand- 
bills which he circulated in France and from 
his advertisements in the newspapers. But 
as time passed emigrants in anything like the 
numbers expected were not forthcoming. Evil 
reports concerning Nova Scotia had been cir- 
culated in France, and other difficulties arose. 
After many delays, however, two hundred and 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Noua Scotia A, vol. xxxv, p. 189. 


eighty persons recruited by Dick arrived at 
Halifax. The character of some gave rise to 
complaint, and Dick was cautioned by the 
government. His troubles in France crept on 
apace. It began to be rumoured that the 
emigrants were being enrolled in the Halifax 
militia ; and, France being no longer a profit- 
able field, Dick transferred his activities to 
Germany. Alluring handbills in the German 
tongue were circulated, and in the end a con- 
siderable number of Teutons arrived at Hali- 
fax. Most of these were afterwards settled at 
Lunenburg. The enterprise, of course, failed 
of its object to neutralize and eventually assimi- 
late the Acadian Catholic population ; never- 
theless several thousand excellent ' foreign 
Protestant ' settlers reached Nova Scotia 
through various channels. They were given 
land in different parts of the province and in 
time became good citizens. 

Cornwallis's instructions from the British 
ministry contained many clauses relating to 
the Acadians. Though they had given assist- 
ance to the enemy ,|they should be permitted 
to remain in the possession of their property. 
They must, however, take the oath of allegi- 
ance * within three months] from the date of 


the declaration ' which the governor was to 
make. Liberty of conscience should be per- 
mitted to all. In the event of any of the in- 
habitants wishing to leave the province, the 
governor should remind them that the time 
allowed under the Treaty of Utrecht for the 
removal of their property had long since 
expired. The governor should take particular 
care that ' they do no damage, before such 
their removaLJ^o their respective homes and 
plantations. ^Determined efforts should be 
made, not om^to Anglicize, but to Protest- 
antize the people. Marriages between the 
Acadians and the English were to be en- 
couraged. Trade with the French settlements 
was prohibiteET" No episcopal jurisdiction 
might be exercised in the province, a mandate 
intended to shut out the bishop of Quebec. 
Every facility was to be given for the educa- 
tion of Acadian children in Protestant schools. 


Those who embraced Protestantism were to 
be confirmed in their lands, free from quit- 
rent for a period of ten years. 1 

Armed with these instructions, Cornwallis 
adopted at first a strong policy. On July 14, 
1749, he issued a proclamation containing 
' the declaration of His Majesty regarding the 

1 Canadian Archives Report, 1905, Appendix C, vol. ii, p. 50. 


French inhabitants of Nova Scotia, 1 and call 
ing on the Acadians to take the oath of allegi- 
ance within three months. At a meeting of 
the Council held the same day, at which re- 
presentatives of the Acadians were present, 
the document was discussed. The deputies 
listened with some concern to the declaration, 
and inquired whether permission would be 
given them to sell their lands if they decided 
to leave the country. The governor replied 
that under the Treaty of Utrecht they had en- 
joyed this privilege for one year only, and 
that they could not now * be allowed to sell or 
carry off anything.' The deputies asked for 
time to consult the inhabitants. This was 
granted, with a warning that those who ' should 
not take the oath of allegiance before the 
I5th of October should forfeit all their posses- 
sions and rights in the Province.' Deputies 
from nine districts appeared before the Council 
on July 31 and spoke for the Acadians. The 
Council deliberated and decided that no priest 
should officiate without a licence from the 
/ governor ; that no exemption from bearing 
arms in time of war could be made ; that 
the oath must be taken as offered ; jand that 
all who wished to continue in the possession 
of their lands must appear and take the oath 


before October 15, which would be the last 
day allowed them. 1 

A month later they presented to Cornwallis 
a petition signed by one thousand inhabitants 
to the effect that they had faithfully served 
"King George, and were prepared to renew the 
oath which was tendered to them by Governor 
Philipps ; that two years before His Majesty 
had promised to maintain them in the 
peaceable enjoyment of their possessions : 
' And we believe, Your Excellency, that if 
His Majesty had been informed of our con- 
duct towards His Majesty's Government, he 
would not propose to us an oath which, if 
taken, would at any moment expose our lives 
to great peril from the savage nations, who 
have reproached us in a strange manner as to 
the oath we have taken to His Majesty. . . . 
But if Your Excellency is not disposed to 
grant us what we take the liberty of asking, 
we are resolved, every one of us, to leave the 
country.' In reply Cornwallis reminded them 
that, as British subjects, they were in the 
enjoyment of their religion and in possession 
of their property. ' You tell me that General 
Philipps granted you the reservation which 
you demand ; and I tell you gentlemen, that 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia B, vol. iv, p. 14, 
A.E, E 


the general who granted you such reservation 
did not do his duty. . . . You have been for 
more than thirty-four years past the subjects 
of the King of Great Britain. . . . Show now 
that you are grateful.' l 

The Acadians, however, showed still a de- 
cided aversion to an unqualified oath ; and 
Cornwallis apparently thought it best to re- 
cede somewhat from the high stand he had 
taken. 'He wrote to the home government 
explaining that he hesitated to carry out the 
terms of his proclamation of July 14 by con- 
fiscating the property of those who did not 
take the oath, on tl^gr^mi^ha^the^Lcadians 
would not emigrate at that season of the year, 
and that in the meantime he could employ 
them to advantage. If they continued to prove 
obstinate, he would seek new instructions to 
force things to a conclusion. 2 The Acadians, 
used by this time to the lenity of the British 
government, were probably not surprised to 
find, at the meeting of the Council held on 
October n, no mention of the oath which had 
to be taken before the isth of the month. 

The winter passed, and still Cornwallis took 
1 no steps to enforce his proclamation. He had 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Noua Scotia B, vol. iv, p. 49. 

2 Public Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia A, vol. xxxv, p. 48. 


his troubles ; for the French, from Quebec on 
the one side and from Louisbourg on the other, 
were fomenting strife ; and the Indians were 
on the war-path. And, in February 1750, the 
Lords of Trade wrote that as the French were 
forming new settlements with a view to en- 
ticing the Acadians into them, any forcible 
means of ejecting them should be waived for 
the present. Cornwallis replied that he was 
anxious to leave matters in abeyance until he 
ascertained what could be done in the way 
of fortifying Chignecto. ' If a fort is once 
built there,' he explained, ' they [the Indians] 
will be driven out of the peninsula or submit. 
He also wished to know what reinforcements 
he might expect in the spring. Until then he 
would * defer making the inhabitants take the 
oath of allegiance.' 

Meanwhile the Acadians were not idle on 
their own behalf. In October 1749 they 
addressed a memorial to Des Herbiers, the 
governor of He Royale, to be transmitted to 
the French king. They complained that the 
new governor intended to suppress their 
missionaries, 1 and to force them to bear arms 

1 Cornwallis had denied the jurisdiction of the bishop of 
Quebec, but had intimated that he would grant a licence to 
any good priest, his objection being to missionaries such as Le 
Loutre, who stirred up the Indians to commit hostilities, 


against the Indians, with whom they had 
always been on friendly terms. They there- 
fore prayed the king to obtain concessions 
from Great Britain the maintenance of the 
Quebec missionaries, the exemption from bear- 
ing arms, or an extension of a year in which 
they might withdraw with their effects. 1 Two 
months later they sent a petition to the 
Marquis de la Jonqutere, the governor of 
Canada, actuated, they said, by the love of 
their country and their religion. They had 
refused^ to take the oath requiring them to 
bear arms against their f ellow-ccomtrymen. 
They had, it is true, appeared attached, tfli the 
interests of the English, in consequence of the 
oath which they hacTconsented to take only 
when exempted from bearing arms/ Now 
that this exemption was removed, they wished 
to leave Nova Scotia, and hoped that the king 
would help them with vessels, as they had 
been refused permission to build them. Great 
offers had been made to them, but they pre- 
ferred to leave. 2 

^ Ip the spring of 1750, unable to obtain per- 
mission from Cornwallis to take a restricted 
oath, the Acadians almost unanimously de- 

1 Canadian Archives Report, 1905, Appendix N, vol. ii, p. 298. 

2 Ibid., p. 301. 


cided to emigrate/! On April 19 deputies 
from several settlements in the district of 
Minas the river Canard, Grand Pre, and 
Pisiquid appeared before the Council at 
Halifax and asked to be allowed to leave the 
province with their effects. 1 According to 
Cornwallis, they professed that this decision 
was taken against their inclination, and that 
the French had threatened them with de- 
struction at the hands of the Indians if they 
remained. 2 v On May 25 the inhabitants of 
Annapolis Royal came with a like petition. 

In reply to these petitions Cornwallis re- 
minded the inhabitants that the province was 
the country of their fathers, and that they 
should enjoy the product of their labours. 
As soon as there should be tranquillity he 
would give them permission to depart, if they 
wished to do so ; but in the present circum- 
stances passports could not be granted to 
any one. They could not be permitted to 
strengthen the hand of Great Britain's 

But; in spite of the prohibition, of the forts 
that we're built to enforce it, and of British 
cruisers patrolling the coasts to prevent inter- 

1 Public Archives, Canada. Noua Scotia B, vol. iv, p. 1300 
8 Public Archives, Canada, Noua Scotia A, vol. xxxvii, p. 7. 


course with the French, there was a con- 
siderable emigration. A number of families 
crossed to lie St Jean in the summer of 
1750!^ They were aided by the missionaries, 
and"^rapplied with vessels and ar/teTby the 
French authorities at Louisbourg. *By August 
1750 we know that eight hundred Acadians 
were settled in lie St JeanS 




BY the terms of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 
the question of the limits of Acadia had been 
referred to a commission of arbitration, and 
each of the powers had agreed to attempt no 
settlement on the debatable ground until such 
time as the decision of the commissioners 
should be made known. Each, however, con- 
tinued to watch jealously over its own inte- 
rests. The English persisted in their claim 
that the ancient boundaries included all the 
country north of the Bay of Fundy to the St 
Lawrence, and Cornwallis was directed to see 
to it that no subjects of the French king 
settled within these boundaries. The French, 
on the other hand, steadily asserted their 
ownership in all land north of a line drawn 
from Baie Verte to Chignecto Bay. The dis- 
putants, though openly at peace, glowered at 
each other. Hardly had Cornwallis brought 
his colonists ashore at Halifax, when La Galis- 



soniere, the acting-governor of Canada, sent 
Boishebert, with a detachment of twenty 
men, to the river St John, to assert the French 
claim to that district ; and when La Galis- 
soniere went to France as a commissioner in 
the boundary dispute, his successor, La Jon- 
quiere, dispatched a force under the Chevalier 
de la Corne to occupy the isthmus of Chignecto. 
About the same time the Indians went on 
the war-path, apparently at the instigation of 
the French. Des Herbiers, the governor of 
lie Royale, when dispatching the Abbe Le 
Loutre to the savages with the usual presents, 
had added blankets and a supply of powder 
and ball, clearly intended to aid them should 
they be disposed to attack the English settle- 
ments. Indians from the river St John joined 
the Micmacs and opened hostilities by seizing 
an English vessel at Canso and taking twenty 
prisoners. The prisoners were liberated by 
Des Herbiers ; but the Micmacs, their blood 
up, assembled at Chignecto, near La Corners 
post, and declared war on the English. The 
Council at Halifax promptly raised several 
companies for defence, and offered a reward 
of 10 for the capture of an Indian, dead 
or alive. Cornwallis complained bitterly to 
Louisbourg that Le Loutre was stirring up 


trouble; but Des Herbiers disingenuously 
disclaimed all responsibility for the abbe. 
The Indians, he said, were merely allies, not 
French subjects, and Le Loutre acted under 
the direction of the governor of Canada. He 
promised also that if any Frenchman molested 
the English, he should be punished, a promise 
which, as subsequent events showed, he had 
no intention of keeping. 

a party of one hundred 

antiT fifty InjJians^cj^Aire^_a_jcojrnpany of 
engineers at Grand Pre, where the English had 
just built a fort. Le Loutre, however, ran- 
somed the prisoners and sent them to Louis- 
bourg. The Indians, emboldened by their 
success, tfierTissued a proclamation in the 
name of the king of France and their Indian 
allies calling upon the Acadians to arm, under 
pain of death for disobedience. ^Onjearning 
that eleven Acadians_obeyfid this summons, 
Cornwallis sent Captain Goreham of the 
Rangers to arrest them. The rebels, however, 
made good their escape, thanks to the Indians ; 
and Goreham could only make prisoners of 
some of their children, whom he brought before 
the governor. The children declared that 
their parents had not been free agents, and 


orders of the Indians. In any case, of course, 
the ^fiildren were in no way responsible, and 
were therefore sent home ; and the governor 
described Goreham as * no officer at all.' 

When spring came Cornwallis took steps 
to stop the incursions of the savages and at 
the same time to check the emigration of the 
Acadians. He sent detachments to build and 
occupy fortified posts at Grand Pre, at Pisi- 
quid, and at other places. He ordered Major 
Lawrence to sail up the Bay of Fundy with 
four hundred settlers for Beaubassin, the 
Acadian village at the head of Chignecto Bay. 
For the time being, however, this undertak- 
ing did not prosper. On arriving, Lawrence 
encountered a band of Micmacs, which Le 
Loutre had posted at the dikes to resist the 
disembarkation. Some fighting ensued before 
Lawrence succeeded in leading ashore a body 
of troops. The motive of the turbulent abbe 
was to preserve the Acadians from the con- 
taminating presence of heretics and enemies 
of his master, the French king. And, when 
he saw that he could not prevent the^Ehglish 
from making a lodgment in the village, he 
went forward with his Micmacs and set it on 
fire, thus forcing the Acadian inhabitants to 
cross to the French camp at Beausejour, some 


two miles off. Here La Corne had set up his 
standard to mark the boundary of New France, 
beyond which he dared the British to advance 
at their peril. At a conference which was 
arranged between Lawrence and La Corne, 
La Corne said that the governor of Canada, 
La Jonquiere, had directed him to take pos- 
session of the country to the north, ' or at 
least he was to keep it and must defend it till 
the boundaries between the two Crowns should 
be settled.' 1 Moreover, if Lawrence should 
try to effect a settlement, La Corne would 
oppose it to the last. And as Lawrence's 
forces were quite inadequate to cope with La 
Corners, it only remained for Lawrence to 
return to Halifax with his troops and settlers. 
Meanwhile Boishebert stood guard for the 
governor of Quebec at the mouth of the river 
St John. In the previous year, when he had 
arrived there, Cornwallis had sent an officer 
to protest against what he considered an en- 
croachment ; but Boishebert had answered 
simply that he was commissioned to hold the 
place for his royal master without attempting 
a settlement until the boundary dispute should 
be adjusted. Now, in July 1750, Captain 
Cobb of the York, cruising in the Bay of Fundy, 

1 Canadian Archives Report, 1905, Appendix N, vol. ii, p. 321. 


sighted a French sloop near the mouth of the 
St John, and opened fire. The French captain 
immediately lowered his boats and landed a 
party of sailors, apparently with the inten- 
tion of coming to a conference. Cobb followed 
his example. Presently Boishbert came 
forward under a flag of truce and demanded 
Cobb's authority for the act of war in terri- 
tory claimed by the French. Cobb produced 
his commission and handed it to Boishebert. 
Keeping the document in his possession, Bois- 
h6bert ordered Cobb to bring his vessel under 
the stern of the French sloop, and sent French 
officers to board Cobb's ship and see the 
order carried out. The sailors on the York, 
however, held the Frenchmen as hostages 
for the safe return of their captain. After 
some parleying Cobb was allowed to return 
to his vessel, and the Frenchmen were re- 
leased. Boishebert, however, refused to return 
the captain's commission. Cobb thereupon 
boarded the French sloop, seized five of the 
crew, and sailed away. 

So the game went on. A month later the 
British sloop Trial, at Baie Verte, captured a 
French sloop of seventy tons which was en- 
gaged in carrying arms and supplies to Le 
Loutre's Indians. On board were four de- 


serters from the British and a number of 
Acadians. Among the papers found on the 
Acadians were letters addressed to their 
friends in Quebec and others from Le Loutre 
and officers of Fort St John and of Port La 
Joie in He St Jean. From one of these letters 
we obtain a glimpse of the conditions of the 
Acadians : 

I shall tell you that I was settled in 
Acadia. I have four small children. I 
lived contented on my land. But that did 
not last long, for we were compelled to 
leave all our property and flee from under 
the domination of the English. The King 
undertakes to transport us and support 
us under the expectation of news from 
France. If Acadia is not restored to 
France I hope to take my little family 
and bring it to Canada. I beg you to 
let me know the state of things in that 
country. I assure you that we are in 
poor condition, for we are like the Indians 
in the woods. 1 

By other documents taken it was shown that 
supplies from Quebec were frequently pass- 
ing to the Indians, and that the dispatches 

1 A. Doucet to Mde Langedo of Quebec, August 5, 1750. 


addressed to Cornwallis were intercepted and 
forwarded to the governor of Quebec. 1 

These papers revealed to Cornwallis the 
peril which menaced him. But, having been 
reinforced by the arrival from Newfoundland 
of three hundred men of Lascelles's regiment, 
he resolved to occupy Chignecto, which 
Lawrence had been forced to abandon in 
April. Accordingly Lawrence again set out, 
this time with about seven hundred men. In 
mid-September his ships appeared off the 
burnt village of Beaubassin. Again the land- 
ing was opposed by a band of Indians and 
about thirty Acadians entrenched on the 
shore. These, after some fighting and losses, 
were beaten off ; and the English troops 
landed and proceeded to construct a fort, 
named by them Fort Lawrence, and to erect 
barracks for the winter. La Corne, from his 
fort at Beausejour, where he had his troops 
and a body of Acadians, addressed a note to 
Lawrence, proposing a meeting in a boat in 
the middle of the river. Lawrence replied 
that he had no business with La Corne, and 
that La Corne could come to him if he had 
anything to communicate. Acts of violence 
followed. It was not long before a scouting 

1 Cornwallis to Bedford, August 19, 1750, 


party under the command of Captain Bartelot 
was~ surrounded by a band of Indians and 
Acadians. 1 Forty-five of the party were 
killed, and Bartelot and eight men were taken 
prisoners. A few weeks later there was an 
act of treachery which greatly embittered the 
British soldiers. This was the murder of 
Captain Howe, one of the British officers, by 
some of Le Loutre's Micmacs. It was stated 
that Le Loutre was personally implicated in 
the crime, but there appears not the slightest 
foundation for this charge. One morning in 
October Howe saw an Indian carrying a flag 
of truce on the opposite side of the Missaguash 
river, which lay between Fort Lawrence and 
Fort Beausejour. Howe, who had often held 
converse with the savages, went forward to 
meet the Indian, and the two soon became 
engaged in conversation. Suddenly the Indian 
lowered his flag, a body of savages concealed 
behind a dike opened fire, and Howe fell, 
mortally wounded. In the work of bringing 
the dying officer into the fort ten of his com- 
pany also fell. 

Meanwhile an event occurred which seemed 

1 La Valliere, one of the French officers on the spot, says that 
the Indians and Acadians were encouraged by Le Loutre during 
this attack. Journal of the Sieur de la Valliere, 


likely to promote more cordial relations 
between the French and the English. Early 
in October Des Herbiers returned to Halifax 
thirty-seven prisoners, including six women, 
who had been captured by the Indians but 
ransomed and sent to Louisbourg by the Abb6 
Le Loutre. It is difficult to reconcile the 
conduct of the meddlesome missionary on this 
occasion with what we know of his character. 
I He was possessed of an inveterate hatred of 
ijthe English and all their works ; yet he was 
(capable of an act of humanity towards them. 
After all, it may be that generosity was not 
foreign to the nature of this fanatical French 
patriot. Cornwallis was grateful, and cheer- 
fully refunded the amount of the ransom. 1 

But the harmony existing between Des 
Herbiers and Cornwallis was of short duration. 
In the same month the British sloop Albany, 
commanded by Captain Rous, fell on the 
French brigantine St Frangois, Captain Vergor, 
on the southern coast. Vergor, who was 
carrying stores and ammunition to Louisbourg, 
ran up his colours, but after a fight of three 
hours he was forced by Rous to surrender. 
The captive ship was taken to Halifax and 

1 Des Herbiers to Cornwallis, October 2, 1750. Public 
Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia A, vol. xxxix, p. 13. 


there condemned as a prize, the cargo being 
considered contraband of war. La Jonquiere 
addressed a peremptory letter to Cornwallis, 
demanding whether he was acting under orders 
in seizing a French vessel in French territory. 
He likewise instructed Des Herbiers to seize 
ships of the enemy ; and as a result four prizes 
were sold by the Admiralty Court at Louis- 

Open hostilities soon became the order of 
the day. During the winter a party of Cana- 
dians and Indians and Acadians disguised as 
Indians assembled near Fort Lawrence. t They 
succeeded in killing two men, and continued 
to fire ^on the British position for two days. 
But, as the garrison remained within the 
shelter of the walls, the attackers grew weary 
of wasting ammunition and withdrew to harry 
the settlement at Halifax. According to the 
French accounts, these savages killed thirty 
persons on the outskirts of Halifax in the 
spring of 1751, and Cornwallis reported that 
four inhabitants and six soldiers had been 
taken prisoners. Then in June three hundred 
British troops from Fort Lawrence invaded the 
French territory to attempt a surprise. They 
were discovered, however, and St Ours, who 
had succeeded La Corne, brought out his forces 



and drove them back to Fort Lawrence. A 
month later the British made another attack 
and destroyed a dike, flooding the lands of the 
Acadians in its neighbourhood. 

And during all this time England and France 
were theoretically at peace. Their commis- 
sioners sat in Paris, La Galissoniere on one 
side, Shirley on the other, piling up mountains 
of argument as to the ' ancient boundaries ' of 
Acadia. All to no purpose ; for neither nation 
could afford to recede from its position. It 
was a question for the last argument of kings. 
Meanwhile the officials in the colonies anxiously 
waited for the decision; and the poor Acadians, 
torn between the hostile camps, and many of 
them now homeless, waited too. 



THE years 1752 and 1753 were, on the whole, 
years of peace and quiet. This was largely 
due to changes in the administration on both 
sides. At the end of 1751 the Count de Ray- 
mond had replaced Des Herbiers as governor 
of He Royale ; in 1752 Duquesne succeeded 
La Jonquiere at Quebec as governor of New 
France ; and Peregrine Hopson took the place 
of Cornwallis in the government of Nova 
Scotia. Hopson adopted a policy of concilia- 
tion. When the crew of a New England 
schooner in the summer of 1752 killed an 
Indian lad and two girls whom they had en- 
ticed on board, Hopson promptly offered a 
reward for the capture of the culprits. He 
treated the Indians with such consistent kind- 
ness that he was able in the month of Sep- 
tember to form an alliance with the Micmacs 
on the coast. He established friendly rela- 
tions also with Duquesne and Raymond, and 



arranged with them a cartel of exchange re- 
garding deserters. 

Towards the Acadians Hopson seemed most 
sympathetic. From the experience of Corn- 
wallis he knew, of course, their aversion to the 
oath of allegiance. In writing to the Lords 
of Trade for instructions he pointed out the 
obstinacy of the people on this question, but 
made it clear how necessary their presence 
was to the welfare of the province. Mean- 
while he did his best to conciliate them. When 
complaints were made that Captain Hamilton, 
a British officer, had carried off some of their 
cattle, Hamilton was reprimanded and the 
cattle were paid for. Instructions were then 
issued to all officers to treat the Acadians as 
British subjects, and to take nothing from 
them by force. Should the people refuse to 
comply with any just demand, the officer 
must report it to the governor and await his 
orders. When the Acadians provided wood 
for the garrison, certificates must be issued 
which should entitle them to payment. 

The political horizon at the opening of the 
year 1753 seemed bright to Hopson. But in 
the spring a most painful occurrence threat- 
ened for a time to involve him in an Indian 
war. Two men, Connor and Grace, while cruis- 


ing off the coast, had landed at He Dore, and 
with the assistance of their ruffianly crew had 
plundered an Indian storehouse. They were 
overtaken by a storm, their schooner became 
a total wreck, and Connor and Grace alone 
survived. They were rescued by the Indians, 
who cared for them and gave them shelter. 
But the miserable cowards seized a favourable 
moment to murder and scalp their benefactors. 
Well satisfied with their brutal act, they pro- 
ceeded to Halifax with the ghastly trophies, 
and boldly demanded payment for the scalps 
of two men, three women, and two children. 
Their story seemed so improbable that the 
Council ordered them to give security to appear 
in the court at the next general session. 1 The 
prospect of a permanent peace with the Indians 
vanished. They demanded that the Council 
should send a schooner to He Dore to protect 
their shores. The Council did send a vessel. 
But no sooner had it arrived than the .Indians 
seized and massacred the whole crew save 
one man, who claimed to be of French origin 
and was later ransomed by the French. 

In September the inhabitants of Grand Pre, 

1 Hopson to Lords of Trade, April 30, 1753, p. 30. Deposi- 
tion of Connor and Grace, April 16, 1753, p. 30 et seq. Public 
Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia A, vol. liii. 


Canso, and Pisiquid presented a petition to 
the Council at Halifax, praying that their 
missionaries be excused from taking the 
ordinary oath. The. Acadians were entitled 
to the free exercise of their religion, and the 
bishop of Quebec would not send priests if 
they were required to become British subjects. 
The Council deliberated. Fearing to give the 
Acadians a pretext for leaving the country on 
the plea that they had been deprived of the 
services of their priests, the Council decided 
to grant the petition, providing, however, 
that the priests should obtain a licence from 
the governor. 

The Lords of Trade approved Hopson's 
policy, which appeared to be bearing good 
fruit. Later in the autumn came another 
delegation of Acadians who had formerly re- 
sided at Pisiquid but had migrated to French 
territory, asking to be allowed to return to 
their old homes. They had left on account of 
the severe oath proposed by Cornwallis, but 
were now willing to come back and take a re- 
stricted oath. Ecr fear of the Indians, they 
could not swear to bear arms in aid of the 
English in time of war. They wished also to be 
able to move from the province whenever they 
desired, and to take their effects with them. 


Evidently they had not found Utopia under 
the French flag. The Council gave them the 
permission they desired, promised them the 
free exercise of their religion, a sufficient 
number of priests for their needs, and all the 
privileges conferred by the Treaty of Utrecht. 
On the whole, the situation in the autumn 
of 1753 was most promising. The AcadianSy 
said Hopson, behaved ' tolerably well,' though 
they still feared the Indians should they 
attach themselves to the English. Of the 
French on the frontier there was nothing to 
complain ; and an era of peace seemed assured. 
But before the end of the year another page 
in the history of Nova Scotia had been turned. 
Raymond, the governor of He Royale, gave 
place to D'Ailleboust. Hopson was com- 
pelled to return to England on leave of absence 
through failing eyesight, and Charles Lawrence 
reigned in his stead. 



THE policy both of France and of England 
ards the Acadians was based upon political 
expediency rather than upon any definite or 
well-conceived plan for the development of 
the country. The inhabitants, born to serve 
rather than to commamOiad honestly striven 
according to their lightro maintain respect 
for constituted authority. But the state of 
unrest into which they were so frequently 
thrown had deprived them of all sense of 
security in their homes and had created among 
them a spirit of suspicion. Unable to reason, 
disinclined to rebel, they had settled down 
into a morose intractability, while their con- 
fidence in the generosity or even in the justice 
of their rulers gradually disappeared. Those 
who could have restored them to a normal 
condition of healthy citizenship saw fit to keep 
them in disquietude, holding over their heads 
the tomahawk of the Indian. England and 



France were nominally at peace. But each 
nation was only waiting for a favourable 
moment to strike a decisive blow, not merely 
for Acadia or any part of it, but for the mastery 
of the North American continent. With this 
object ever in the background, France, through 
her agents, strove to make the Acadians a 
thorn in Great Britain's side, while England 
hesitated to allow them to pass over to the 
ranks of her enemies. At the same time she 
was anxious that they should, by some visible 
sign, acknowledge her sovereignty. But to 
become a British subject it was necessary to 
take the oath of allegiance. Most of the . 
Acadians had refused to take this oath with- 
out reservations. jGreat Britain ^should-then 
haye^allowed them to depart or should have de- 
ported them. She had done neither. On the 
contrary, she iTad tried^ t g^TgeepT them, had 
made c^^firniinne i? thtm * L ^*aT^ J1 ^^ had \ 
closed her eyes to violations of the law, until 
many of them had been, by various means, 
acknowledged as British subjects. 

A Murray or a Dorchester would have 
humoured the people and would probably 
have kept them in allegiance. But this was 
an impossible task for Lawrence. He was un- 
fn gntyiprnmfcp. He kept before 


him the letter of the law, and believed 
that any deviation from it was fraught with 
danger. He entered upon his duties as ad- 
ministrator in the month of October 1753. 
Six weeks later he made a report on the con- 
dition of affairs in the province. This report 
contains one pregnant sentence. He is refer- 
ring to the emigrant Acadians who had left 
their homes for French soil and were now 
wishing to come back, and he says : * But 
Your Lordships may be assured they will never 
have my consent to return until they comply 
[take the oath] without any reservation what- 
ever.' 1 This was th^Jceynote of all Lawrence's 
subsequent action. 

He does not appear to have given any 
sideration to the fact that for forty years the 
Lords of Trade had, for various motives, 
nursed the people, or that only two years 
before the Council at Halifax had declared the 
) Acadians to be still entitled to the privileges 
^accorded to them by the Treaty of Utrecht. 
JrTo hinvthe Acadians were as an enemyjrrjfoe* 
^tamp, anjd^a^Ju^jyiey were to be treated,, t 
Lords of Trade partly acquiesced^ 

Lawrence's reasoning, yet they warned him 

1 Lawrence to Lords of Trade, December 5, 1753. 


to be cautious. A year before they had an- 
nounced that those who remained in the 
country were to be considered as holding good 
titles ; but they now maintained that the 
inhabitants had ' in fat _no- right, but upon 
condition of taking the oath of allegiance 
absolute and unqualified/ Officials might be 
sent among them to inquire into their dis- 
putes, but ' the more we consider the point, the 
more nice and difficult it appears to us ; for, 
as on the one hand great caution ought to be 
used to avoid giving alarm and creating such 
a diffidence in their minds as might induce 
them to quit the province, and by their 
numbers add strength to the French settle- 
ments, so on the other hand we should be 
equally cautious of creating an improper and 
false confidence in them, that by a perseverance 
in refusing to take the oath of allegiance, they 
may gradually work out in their own way a 
right to their lands and to the benefit and 
protection of the law, which they are not en- 
titled to but on that condition.' x 

After nine months' tenure of office Lawrence 
had fully made up his mind as to his policy in 
g with the Acadians. On August I, 
ne addressed a letter to the Lords of 

1 Lords of Trade to Lawrence, March 4, 1754. 


Trade, to acquaint them with the measures 
which appeared to him to be 'the most prac- 
ticable and effectual for putting a stop to the 
many inconveniences we have long laboured 
under, from their obstmacy, treachery, par- 
tiality to their own countrymen, alnd their 
ingratitude for the favour, indulgence, and 
protection they have at all times so unde- 
servedly received from His Majesty's Govern- 
ment. Your Lordships well know that they 
always affected a neutrality, and as it has 
been generally imagined here that the mild- 
ness of an English Government would by 
degrees have fixed them in their own interest, 
no violent measures have ever been taken 
with them. But I must observe to Your 
Lordships that this lenity has not had the 
least good effect ; on the contrary, I believe 
they have at present laid aside all thoughts 
of taking the oaths voluntarily, and great 
numbers of them at present are gone to 
Beausejour to work jor theJFrencJj, in order 
to dyke out the wafer~al the settlement.' 1 
Lawrence explained that he had offered the 
Acadians work^at Halifax, which they had 
refused to accept^" and that he had then 
issued a proclamation calling upon them ' to 

1 Lawrence to Lords of Trade, August I, 1754. 


return forthwith to their lands as they should 
answer the contrary at their peril.' More- 
over, ' They have not for a long time brought 
anything to our markets, but on the other 
hand have carried everything to the French 
and Indians whom they have always assisted 
with provisions^ quarters, and intelligence. 
And indeed wh0^ tlT^^emain^ without taking 
the oaths to^His Majesty (which they never 
will do till they are forced) and have incen- 
diary French priests among them there are no 
hopes of their amendment. As they possess 
the best and largest tracts of land in this pro- 
vince, it cannot be settled with any effect while 
they remain in this situation. And tho* I 
would be very far from attempting such a 
step without Your Lordships' approbation, 
yet I cannot help being of opinion that it 
would be much better, if they refuse the oaths, 
that they were_away. The only ill conse- 
quences that can attend their going would be 
their taking arms and joining with the In- 
dians to distress our settlements, as they are 
numerous and our troops are much divided ; ; 
tho' indeed I believe that a very large part of I 
the inhabitants would submit to any terms 
rather than take up arms on either side ; but ( 
that is only my conjecture, and not to be ; 


depended upon in so critical a circumstance. 
However, if Your Lordships should be of 
opinion that we are not sufficiently estab- 
lished to take so important a step, we could 
prevent any inconvenience by building a fort 
or a few blockhouses on Chibenacadie [Shu- 
benacadie] river. It would hinder in a 
great measure their communication with the 

In order to prevent the Acadians from 
trading with the French, Lawrence issued a 
proclamation forbidding the exportation of 
corn from the province, imposing a penalty of 
fifty pounds for each offence, half of such sum 
to be paid to the informer. The exact purpose 
of the proclamation was explained in a circular. 
First, it was to prevent * the supplying of corn 
to the Indians and their abettors, who, re- 
siding on the north side of the Bay of Fundy, 
do commit hostilities upon His Majesty's 
subjects which they cannot so conveniently 
do, that supply being cut off.' Secondly, it 
was for the better supply of the Halifax 
market, which had been obliged to supply 
itself from other colonies. The inhabitants 
were not asked to sell their corn to any par- 
ticular person or at any fixed price ; all that 
was insisted upon was their supplying the 


Halifax market before they should think of 
sending corn elsewhere. There was, of course, 
nothing objectionable in this proclamation. 
It was only a protective measure for the 
benefit of the whole colony, and did * not,/ 
bind the French inhabitants more or less 
than the rest of His Majesty's subjects in 
the Province. '_ 

Towards the Indians Lawrence adopted the ^ 
same tone as towards the Acadians. The 
tribes at Cape Sable had for some time talked 
of peace, and an alliance with them was 
particularly to be encouraged. The French 
were becoming more of a menace, having 
strengthened their works at ' Baye Verte and 
Beausejour, between which places they lately 
have made a very fine road and continue to 
seduce our French inhabitants to go over to- 
them. ' The message, however, which Lawrence 
sent to the Indians was hardly calculated to 
produce the desired results. ' In short if the 
Indians/ the message ran, ' or he [Le Loutre] 
on their behalf, have anything to propose of 
this kind about which they are really in 
earnest, they very well know where and how 
to apply.' I 

The answer of the Indians was communi- 

1 Nona Scotia Documents, p. 210. 


cated by Le Loutre. They agreed to offer 
no insult to the English who kept to the high- 
way, but they promised to treat as enemies 
all those who departed from it. If a durable 
peace was to be made, jthey demanded the 
cession to them of an exclusive territory suit- 
able for hunting and fishing and for a mission. 
This territory was to extend from Baie Verte 
through Cobequid (Truro) to the Shubena- 
cadie, along the south coast to the peninsula 
of Canso, and back to Baie Verte an area 
comprising half the province of Nova Scotia. 
Whether the Indians were serious in their 
application for this immense domain, we know 
not ; probably it was an answer to the haughty 
note of Lawrence. Considering the demand 
of the Indians insolent, the Council at Halifax 
vouchsafed no reply to it ; but the com- 
mandant of Fort Lawrence at Chignecto was 
instructed to inform the Indians ' that if 
they have any serious thoughts of making 
peace . . . they may repair to Halifax/ 
where any reasonable proposal would be 

A case instructive of the new temper of the 
administration was that of the Abbe Daudin 
of Pisiquid. The abbe had been suspected 
of stirring up trouble among the Indians, and 


Captain Murray of Fort Edward was requested 
to keep an eye on him. When the inhabitants 
refused to bring in wood for fuel and for the re- 
pair of the fort, as they had been ordered to do, 
and presented to Murray a statement signed by 
eighty-six of their people, declaring that their 
oath of fidelity did not require them to furnish 
the garrison with wood, Murray attributed their 
conduct to the influence of Daudin. Murray 
therefore received instructions to repeat his 
orders, and to summon Daudin and five others 
to appear at Halifax under pain of arrest. 
When questioned by Murray, Daudin took 
the ground that the people, who were free, 
should have been contracted with, and not 
treated as slaves ; but he asserted that if 
Murray had consulted him instead of reporting 
to Lawrence, he could have brought the inhabi- 
tants to him in a submissive manner. When 
requested to repair to Halifax, Daudin pleaded 
illness ; and his followers became insolent, 
and questioned Murray's authority. Daudin 
and five others were immediately arrested 
and sent under escort to the capital. 

At a special meeting of the Council held on 
the evening of October 2, 1754, Claude Brossart, 
Charles Le Blanc, Baptiste Galerne, and 
Joseph Hebert were required to explain their 

A.E, G 


refusal to obey the orders of Murray, and the 
following examination took place : 

Q. Why did you not comply with that order 
to bring in firewood ? 

A. Some of them had wood and some had 
not, therefore they gave in the remon- 
strance to Captain Murray. 

Q. Why was that not represented in the 
remonstrance, which contained an 
absolute refusal without setting forth 
any cause ? 

A. They did not understand the contents 
of it. 

Q. Was the proclamation ever published at 
the church and stuck up against the 
wall, and by whom ? 

A. It was, and they believe by John Hebert. 

Q. Was it put up with the wrong side 
uppermost ? 

A. They heard that it was. 

The inhabitants were never known to boast 
of a reckless facility in reading, even under 
normal conditions, and no doubt the grotesque 
appearance of the letters in the inverted docu- 
ment prompted the answer that ' they did not 
understand the contents of it.' Neither have 
we any evidence to prove that John Hebert 


contributed to their enlightenment by read- 
ing the document. The prisoners, however, 
were severely reprimanded by the Council, 
and were ordered under pain of military execu- 
tion to bring in the firewood. 

The Abbe Daudin, when brought before the 
Council, was questioned as to his position in 
the province. He replied that he served 
' only as a simple missionary to occupy him- 
self in spiritual affairs ; not in temporal.' The 
abbe denied that he had made the statements 
attributed to him, and was allowed to prepare 
a paper which he termed his defence. The 
next day his defence was presented and read ; 
but the Council considered that it did not 
contain anything * material towards his justi- 
fication ' and ordered his removal from the 
province. A few weeks later, however, the 
inhabitants addressed a communication to 
Lawrence, asking for the reinstatement of 
the abbe. They expressed their submission 
to the government, promising to comply 
with the order regarding the supply of 
wood ; and the Council, considering that the 
Acadians could not obtain another priest, 
relented and permitted the abbe to return 
to his duties. 

It is noteworthy, however, that Lawrence's 


regime was not so rigorous as to prevent some 
of the Acadians who had abandoned their 
lands and emigrated to French territory from 
returning to Nova Scotia. In October 1754 
six families, consisting of twenty-eight persons 
who had settled in Cape Breton, returned to 
Halifax in a destitute condition. They de- 
clared that they had been terrified by the 
threats of Le Loutre, and by the picture he 
had drawn of the fate that would befall them 
at the hands of the Indians if they remained 
under the domination of the English ; that 
they had retired to Cape Breton, where they 
had remained ever since ; but that the lands 
given them had been unproductive, and that 
they had been unable to support their families. 
They therefore wished to return to their former 
habitations. They cheerfully subscribed to 
the oath which was tendered them, and in 
consideration of their poverty twenty-four 
of them were allowed provisions during the 
winter, and the other four a week's provisions 
' to subsist them till they returned to their 
former habitations at Pisiquid.' The Council 
considered that their return would have a 
tgood effect. Thus it came about that the 
pangs of hunger accomplished a result which 
threats and promises had failed to produce. 


While Lawrence was formulating his policy 
with regard to the Acadians, events were at 
the same time rapidly moving towards a re- 
newal of war between France and Great 
Britain in North America. Indeed, though 
as yet there had been no formal declaration, 
the American phase of the momentous Seven 
Years* War had already begun. France had 
been dreaming of a colonial empire stretching 
from Newfoundland to the Gulf of Mexico. 
She had asserted her ownership of the valleys 
of the Ohio and the Mississippi ; and she had 
set before herself the object of confining the 
English colonies within limits as narrow as 
possible. In May 1754 Shirley, the governor 
of Massachusetts, had advised the home 
government that he had received intelligence 
from Halifax * that some of the rebel inhabit- 
ants of Chignecto, together with the Indians 
of the Peninsula and St John River, are through 
the influence of the French garrison at Beause- 
jour engaged in an enterprise to break up all 
the eastern settlements,' and he pointed out 
that * if the advices are true, they will afford 
. . . one instance of the many mischievous 
consequences to the colonists of New England 
as well as to His Majesty's Province of Nova 
Scotia which must proceed from the French 


of Canada having possessed themselves of the 
isthmus of the Peninsula and St John's river 
in the Bay of Fundy, and continuing their 
encroachments within His Majesty's terri- 
tories.' l To this communication the govern- 
ment had replied in July 1754 that it was the 
king's wish that Shirley should co-operate 
with Lawrence in attacking the French forts 
in Nova Scotia. 

The British, therefore, determined upon 
aggressive action. In December Shirley ac- 
knowledged having received certain proposals 
made by Lawrence * for driving the French of 
Canada out of Nova Scotia according to the 
scheme laid down in your letters to me and 
instructions to Colonel Monckton. I viewed 
this plan most justly calculated by Your 
Honour for His Majesty's Service with great 
pleasure and did not hesitate to send you the 
assistance you desir'd of me for carrying it 
into execution, as soon as I had perused it. 
... I came to a determination to co-operate 
with you in the most vigorous manner, for 
effecting the important service within your 
own Government, which Your Honour may 
depend upon my prosecuting to the utmost 

1 Noua Scotia Documents, p. 382. Shirley to Sir T. Robinson, 
May 23, 1754. 


of my power.' x In a letter to the Lords of 
Trade in January -sfSSpLawrence expressed 
the opinion that ' no measure I could take for 
the security of the Province would have the 
desired effect until the fort at Beausejour and 
every French settlement on the north side of 
the Bay of Fundy was absolutely extirpated, 
having very good intelligence that the French 
had determined as soon as ever they had put 
the fortifications of Louisbourg into a toler- 
able condition to make themselves masters 
of the Bay of Fundy by taking our fort at 
Chignecto.' 2 

In accordance with this Colonel Monckton 
was instructed to prepare for an expedition 
against Beausejour and St John in the spring 
of I 7SS He was given for the purpose a 
letter of unlimited credit on Boston ; and 
every regiment in Nova Scotia was brought 
up to the strength of one thousand men. By 
May the expedition was ready. Monckton, 
with two thousand troops, embarked at Anna- 
polis Royal, and by June i the expedition was 
at Chignecto. In the meantime Vergor, the 

1 Nova Scotia Documents, p. 389. Shirley says: 'It is now 
near eleven at night and I have been writing hard since seven 
in the morning . . . and can scarce hold the pen in my hand.' 

2 Lawrence to Lords of Trade, January 12, 1755. 


French commandant at Beausejour, had not 
been passive. He had strengthened his de- 
fences, had summoned the inhabitants of the 
surrounding districts to his help, had mounted 
cannon in a blockhouse defending the passage 
of the river, and had thrown up a strong 
breastwork of timber along the shore. On 
June 3 the British landed. They had little 
difficulty in driving the French from their 
entrenchments. The inhabitants had no heart 
in the work of defence ; and the French, un- 
able to make a stand, threw their cannon 
into the river and burned the blockhouse 
and other buildings. They then retired to 
the fort, together with about two hundred and 
twenty of the Acadians ; the rest of the 
Acadians threw away their arms and ammuni- 
tion, asserting that they did not wish to be 
hanged. The British took up a position in the 
woods about a mile and a half from the fort ; 
and on the I3th they succeeded in establish- 
ing a battery on a hill within easy range. The 
bombardment of the place, which began the 
next day, was at first ineffective ; and for 
a time the British were driven back. But, 
in the meantime, news reached the French 
that no reinforcements could be expected 
from Louisbourg ; and such disaffection arose 


among the Acadians that they were forofunot 
by a council of war to deliberate together or 
to desert the fort under pain of being shot. 
When the British renewed the attack, how- 
ever, the Acadians requested Vergor to capitu- 
late ; and he feebly acquiesced. The British 
offered very favourable terms. So far as the 
Acadians were concerned, it was proposed 
that, since they had taken up arms under 
threat of death, they were to be pardoned 
and allowed to return to their homes and 
enjoy the free exercise of their religion. The 
soldiers of the garrison were sent as prisoners 
to Halifax. 

After the fall of Beausejour, which Monckton 
renamed Fort Cumberland, the British met 
with little further resistance. Fort Gaspereau 
on Baie Verte, against which Monckton next 
proceeded, was evacuated by the commandant 
Villeray, who found himself unable to obtain 
the assistance of the Acadians.- And the few 
Acadians at the river St John^vhen Captain 
Rous appeared before the settlement with 
three ships, made an immediate submission. 
Rous destroyed the cannon, burned the fort, 
and retired with his troops up the river. The 
Indians of the St John, evidently impressed 
by the completeness of the British success and 


Frtr oy their strong force, invited Rous to 
come ashore, and assured him of their friendli- 

Having removed the menace of the French 
forts, Lawrence was now able to deal more 
freely with the question of the Acadians. 
The opportunity for action was not long in 
presenting itself. /In June the Acadians_pf 
Minas presented tocawrence a petition couched 
in language not as tactful as it might have 
been. In this memorial they requested tjje 
restoration of some of their former privileggs^ 
They first assured the lieutenant-governoroi 
their fidelity, which they had maintained in 
face of threats on the part of the French, and 
of their determination to remain loyal when 
in the enjoyment of former liberties. They 
asked to be allowed the use of their canoes, a 
privilege of which they were deprived on the 
pretext that they had been carrying provi- 
sions to the French at Beausejour. Some re- 
fugees might fiave done so, but they had not. 
They used these canoes for fishing to maintain 
their families. By an order of June 4 they 
had been required to hand in their guns. Some 
of them had done so, but they needed them 
for protection against the wild beasts, which 
were more numerous since the Indians had left 


these parts. The possession of a gun did not 
induce them to rebel, neither did the with- 
drawal of the weapon render them more faith- 
ful. Loyalty was a matter of conscience. If 
they decided to remain faithful, they wished 
to know what were the lieutenant-governor's 
intentions towards them. 
^Oh> receiving this memorial Lawrence 
ordered the deputies of the Acadians to remain- 
in Halifax, on the ground that the paper was 
impertinent} Upon this the deputies pre- 
sented anotner memorial, in which they dis- 
claimed any intention of disrespect, and wish 
to be allowed a hearing in order to e 
The Council held a meeting ; and the lieuten- 
ant-governor explained ' that Captain Murray 
had informed him that for some time before 
the delivery of the first of the said memorials 
the French inhabitants in general had behaved 
with greater submission and obedience to the 
orders of Government than usual, and had 
already delivered to him a considerable number 
of their firearms ; but that at the delivery of 
the said memorial they treated him with 
great indecency and insolence, which gave him 
strong suspicions that they had obtained 
some intelligence which we were then ignorant 
of, and which the lieutenant-governor con- 


ceived might most probably be a report that 
had been about that time spread amongst 
them of a French fleet being then in the Bay 
of Fundy.' 1 The deputies were then brought 
in and told that if they had not submitted 
the second memorial they would have been 
punished for their presumption. ' They were 
severely reprimanded for their audacity in sub- 
scribing and presenting so impertinent a paper, 
but in compassion to their weakness and ignor- 
ance of the nature of our constitution/ the 
Council professed itself still ready to treat 
them with leniency, and ordered the memorial 

be read paragraph by paragraph. 

n the question of the oath came up for 

cusslSn, the deputies said they were read 
tojgKe iJLajLthey had done bef o*$f To this 
the Council replied that ' His Majesty had dis- 
approved of the manner of their taking the 
oath before ' and ' that it was not consistent 
with his honour to make any conditions.' The 
deputies were then allowed until the following 
morning to come to a resolution. On the next 
day they declared that they could not consent 
to take the oath in the form required without 
consulting others. They were then informed 
that as the taking of the oath was a personal 

1 Minutes of Council, July 3, 1755. 


act and as they had for themselves refused 
to take it as directed by law, and had there- 
fore sufficiently evinced the sincerity of their 
unfriendliness towards the government, the 
Council could look upon them no longer as 
subjects of His Majesty, but must treat them 
hereafter as subjects of the king of France. 
They were ordered to withdraw. The Council 
then decided that with regard to the oath none 
of them should for the future be admitted to 
take it after having once refused to do so, but - 
that effectual measures ought to be taken to 
remove all such recusants out of the province, 
The deputies, again being called in and in- 
formed of this resolution, offered to take the 
oath, but were informed that there was no 
reason to hope that ' their proposed compli- 
ance proceeds from an honest mind and can 
be esteemed only the effect of compulsion and 
force, and is contrary to a clause in i Geo. II, 
c. 13, whereby persons who have once refused 
to take oaths cannot be afterwards permitted 
to take them, but are considered as Popish 
recusants/ Therefore they could not be in- 
dulged with such permission. Later they were 
offered into confinement. 
ijDn the 25th of July a memorial signed by 
over two hundred of the inhabitants of Anna- 


polis Royal was laid before the Council^ The 
memorialists said they had unanimously con- 
sented to deliver up their firearms, although 
they had never had any desire to use them 
against His Majesty's government. They de- 
clared that they had nothing to reproach 
themselves with, for they had always been 
loyal, and that several of them had risked 
their lives in order frLgive information re- 
garding the enemy. NTney would abide by 
the old oath, but they could not take a new 
one! , The deputies who had brought this 
memorial from Annapolis, on being called 
before the Council and asked what they had 
to say regarding the new oath, declared ' thatx 
they_coiikLnot takeanyotfrer Bath than what 

_ ^ 

they h^Lfc^er^^ was the 

king's intention, they addea, to force them 
out of the country, they hoped ' that they 
should be allowed a convenient time for their 
departure. 1 The Council warned them of the 
consequences of their ref usa(\ and they were 
allowed until the following Monday to decide. 
Their final answer was polite, but .obdurate : 

Inasmuch as a report is in circulation 
among us, the French inhabitants of this 
province, that His Excellency the Governor 


demands of us an oath of obedience con- 
formable, in some manner, to that of 
natural subjects of His Majesty King 
George the Second, and as, in consequence, 
we are morally certain that several of our 
inhabitants are detained and put to incon- 
venience at Halifax for that object ; if the 
above are his intentions with respect to us, 
we all take the liberty of representing to 
His Excellency, and to all the inhabitants, 
that we and our fathers, having taken an 
oath of fidelity, which has been approved 
of several times in the name of the King, 
and under the privileges of which we have 
lived faithful and obedient, and protected 
by His Majesty the King of Great Britain, 
according to the letters and proclama- 
tion of His Excellency Governor Shirley, 
dated i6th of September 1746, and 2ist of 
October 1747, we will never prove so fickle 
as to take an oath which changes, ever so 
little, the conditions and the privileges 
obtained for us by our sovereign and our 
fathers in the past. 

And as we are well aware that the King, 
our master, loves and protects only con- 
stant, faithful, and free subjects, and as it 
is only by virtue of his kindness, and of 


the fidelity which we have always pre- 
served towards His Majesty, that he has 
granted to us, and that he still continues 
to grant to us, the entire possession of our 
property and the free and public exercise 
of the Roman Catholic Religion, we desire 
to continue, to the utmost of our power, 
to be faithful and dutiful in the same 
manner that we were allowed to be by His 
Excellency Mr Richard Philipps. 

Charity for our detained inhabitants, 
and their innocence, obliged us to beg 
Your Excellency, to allow yourself to be 
touched by their miseries, and to restore 
to them that liberty which we ask for 
them, with all possible submission and the 
most profound respect. 

The inhabitants of Pisiquid presented a 
similar petition. They hoped that they would 
be listened to, and that the imprisoned de- 
puties would be released. Another memorial 
was presented by the inhabitants of Minas. 
Theyrefused to take a new oath ; and there- 
iJporTtheir deputies were ordered to be im- 

\There was now, the Council considered, only 
one course left open for it to pursue. Nothing 


remained but to consider the means which 
should be taken to send the inhabitants out 
of the province, and distribute them among 
the several colonies on the continent^ 

' I am determined/ Lawrence hacrwritten, 
' to bring the inhabitants to a compliance, or 
rid the province of such perfidious subjects/ 1 
He was now about to fulfil his promise. 

1 Lawrence to Lords of Trade, July 18, 1755. 

A.E. H 



imprisonment of the deputies, on George's 
Island at Halifax, naturally agitated the minds 
of the simple Acadiaft^ In the ripening fields 
and in the villages might be seen groups dis- 
cussing the fate of their companions^ But, 
though they may have feared further punitive 
acts at the hands of the British, they were 
totally unprepared for the approaching catas- 
trophe, and did not for a moment dream that 
they were to be cast out of their hony^ de- 
prived of all they held dear in the land or their 
nativity, and sent adrift as wanderers and 

/ It is no part of this narrative to sit in judg- 
ment or to debate whether the forcible ex- 
patriation of the Acadians was a necessary 
measure or a justifiable act of war. How- 
ever this may be, it is important to fix the 
responsibility for a deed so painful in its exe- 
cution and so momentous in its consequences. 

jThe Council at Halifax had no power to 




enact laws. Its action was limited to the 
authority vested in the governor by his com- 
mission and his instructions. And, as Lawrence 
had as yet neither commission nor instruc- 
tions, 1 he asked the chief justice, Jonathan 
Belcher, to prepare an opinion, as he desired 
to be fortified with legal authority for the 
drastic act on which he had determined. / 
Belcher had arrived in Nova Scotia from New 
England nine months before. He does not 
appear to have examined the official corre- 
spondence between the years 1713 and 1755, 
or even the Minutes of Council. At any rate, 
he presented a document ill-founded in fact 
and contemptible in argument. The Acadians 
are not to be allowed to remain, he said, be- 
cause ' it will be contrary to the letter and 
spirit of His Majesty's instructions to Governor 
Cornwallis, and in my humble apprehension 
would incur the displeasure of the crown and 
the parliament.' 2 What the instructions to 
Cornwallis had to do with it is not clear. There 

1 He had not yet been appointed governor. Hopson had 
wished to resign in the summer of 1754 ; but the Lords of Trade, 
who held him in high esteem, had refused to accept his resigna- 
tion, and Lawrence had been made merely lieutenant-governor, 
though with the full salary of a governor. 

8 Public Archives, Canada. Nova Scotia A, vol. Iviii, p. 380, 
Opinion of Chief Justice Belcher. 


is no clause in that document contemplating 
the forcible removal of the people. But even 
this is immaterial, since the instructions to 
Cornwallis were not then in force. Hopson, 
who had succeeded Cornwallis, had been given 
new instructions, and the Council was governed 
by them, since, legally at any rate, Hopson 
was still governor in 1755 ; and, according to 
his instructions, Hopson was ' to issue a de- 
claration in His Majesty's name setting forth, 
that tho' His Majesty is fully sensible that 
the many indulgences ... to the said in- 
habitants in allowing them the entirely free 
exercise of their religion and the quiet peace- 
able possession of their lands, have not met 
with a dutiful return, but on the contrary, 
divers of the said inhabitants have openly 
abetted or privately assisted His Majesty's 
enemies . . . yet His Majesty being desirous 
of shewing marks of his royal grace to the 
said inhabitants, in hopes thereby to induce 
them to become for the future true and loyal 
subjects, is pleased to declare, that the said 
inhabitants shall continue in the free exercise 
of their religion, as far as the Laws of Great 
Britain shall admit of the same . . . pro- 
vided that the said inhabitants do within 
three months from the date of such declara- 


tion . . . take the Oath of Allegiance.' The 
next clause instructed the governor to report 
to the Lords of Trade on the effect of the de- 
claration. If the inhabitants or any part of 
them should refuse the oath, he was to ascer- 
tain ' His Majesty's further directions in what 
manner to conduct yourself towards such of the 
French inhabitants as shall not have complied 
therewith.' l Hopson had tendered the oath 
to the Acadians. The oath had been refusedlx \ 
by them. Their refusal had been reported to f 
the government ; and there the matter rested. 

In another paragraph of the opinion 
chief justice asserted that ' persons are de- 
clared recusants if they refuse on a summons 
to take the oath at the sessions, and can never 
after such refusal be permitted to take them.' 
This, no doubt, was the law. But the king 
had ignored the law, and had commanded his 
representatives in Nova Scotia to tender the 
oath again to a people who, upon several 
occasions, had refused to take it. It was not' 
reasonable, therefore, to suppose, as the chief 
justice did, that the king would be displeased 
at the performance of an act which he had 
expressly commanded. 

4 Public Archives, Canada. Noua Scotia E, vol. ii. Instruc- 
tions to Governors. 


We have seen that, in the spring of 1754, 
when Lawrence had intimated to the govern- 
ment that a number of the Acadians who had 
gone over to the enemy were now anxious to 
return to their lands, which he would not 
permit until they had taken an oath without 
reserve, he was advised not to * create a diffi- 
dence in their minds which might induce them 
to quit the province. 1 That this was still the 
policy is evident from a letter to the same effect 
written to Lawrence by Sir Thomas Robinson 
of the British ministry on August 13, 1755, 
two weeks after the ominous decision of the 
Halifax Council. 1 Lawrence, however, could 
not have received this last communication 
until the fll^ns for the expulsion were well 
advanced*/ On the 'other hand, the decision 
of the Council was 'not received in England 
until November 20; so that the king was not 
aware of it until the expulsion was already a 
reality. The meaning of these facts is clear. 
The thing was done by Lawrence and his 


1 Nova Scotia Documents, p. 279. Here is a sentence from the 
letter : ' It cannot therefore be too much recommended to you, to 
use the greatest caution and prudence in your conduct towards 
these neutrals, and to assure such of them as may be trusted, 
especially upon their taking the oaths to His Majesty and his 
government, that they may remain in the quiet possession of 
their settlements, under proper regulations.' 


iCouncil without the authority or knowledge 
jof the home government.^ 

The proceedings in connection with the 
expulsion were carried on simultaneously in 
different parts of the province : and thexir- 
cumstances varied according to the temper 
or situation of the people. It will be con- 
venient to deal with each group or district 

On July 31, jr?^ Lawrence ordered Colonel 
Monckton, who lay with his troops at the 
newly captured Fort Cumberland, to gather 
in the inhabitants of the isthmus of Chignecto, 
and of Chepody, on the north shore of the 
Bay. The district of Minas was committed 
to the care of Colonel Winslow. Captain 
Murray, in command at Fort Edward, was 
to secure the inhabitants of Pisiquid, and 
Major Handfield, at Annapolis Royal, the 
people in his district. 

It is regrettable thaiwe do not find in the ; 
instructions to these officers any discrimina- 'j 

1 At the meeting of the Halifax Council which decreed the 
removal of the Acadians the following members were present : 
the lieutenant-governor, Benjamin Green, John Collier, William 
Cotterell, John Rous, and Jonathan Belcher. Vice-Admiral 
Boscawen and Rear-Admiral Mostyn were also present at the 
'earnest request' of the Council. Minutes of Council, July 28, 1755. 


tion made between the Acadians who had per- ' 
sistently refused to take the oath and those, 
who had been recognized b]gJ;he governor and 
Council as British sub j ects!ft Monckton was^ 
advised to observe secrecy, ana to * endeavour ) 
to fall upon some stratagem to get the men, 
both young and old (especially the heads of 
families) ' into his power, and to detain them 
until the transports should arrive. He was 
also to inform the inhabitants that^l their 
cattle and corn were now the property of the 
crown, and no person should be allowed to 
carry off ' the least thing but their ready 
money and household^ urnitureTf On August 
8 Monckton was advised that the transports 
would be available soon, and that in the 
interval he would do well to destroy all the 
villages in the vicinity of Beausejour or 
Cumberland, and to use ' every other method 
to distress as much as can be, those who may 
attempt to conceal themselves in the woods.' 
|Monckton promptly conceived a plan to 
entrap the people. He issued a summons, 
calling upon the adult males to appear at 
Fort Cumberland on the nth. ..About four 
hundred responded to the. callTj The pro- 
ceedings were summary. /Monckton merely 

1 Nova Scotia Documents', p. 267. 


told them that by the decision of the Council 
they were declared rebels on account of their 
past misdeeds ; that their lands and chattels 
were forfeited to the crown, and that in the 
meantime they would be treated as pqsoners. 1 
The gates of the fort were then close^ 

Less successful was Captain Cobb, who had 
been sent to Chepody to capture the Acadians 
there. [Before his arrival the people had fled 
to the wTJbo?7 Three other parties, detached 
from Fort Cumberland to scour the country 
in search of stragglers, reported various suc- 
cesses. Major Preble returned the next day 
with three Acadians, and Captain Perry 
brought in eleven. Captain Lewis, who had 
gone to Cobequid, had captured two vessels 
bound for Louisbourg with cattle and sheep, 
and had taken several prisoners and destroyed 
a number of villages on the route. 

JThe more energetic of the_ Acadians still at 
large were not easily caugnty The pangs of 
hunger, however, might tempt many to leave 
the security of their hiding-places, and Monck- 
ton determined to gather in as many more as 
possible. On August 28 Captain Frye sailed 
from Fort Cumberland for Chepody, Memram- 

1 Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, vol. iv. 
Journal of Colonel John Winslow, part i, p. 227. 


cook, and Petitcodiac, on the north shore, with 
orders to take prisoners and burn the villages 
on the way. 1 Captain Gilbert was sent to 
Baie Verte on a similar mission. Finding the 
village deserted on his arrival at Chepody, 
Frye set fire to the buildings and sailed toward 
PetitcodiaCo On the way the appearance of a 
house or a barn seems to have been the signal 
for the vessels to cast anchor, while a party 
of soldiers, torch in hand, laid waste the homes 
of the peasantry.. On September 4, however, 
the expedition suffered a serious check. A 
landing party of about sixty were applying 
the torch to a village on the shore, when they 
were set upon by 'a hundred Indians and 
Acadians, and a general engagement ensued. 
The British, though reinforced by men from 
the ships, were severely handled ; and in the 
end Trye regained the boats with a loss of 
twenty-three killed and missing and eleven 
wounded. This attack was the work of 
Boishebert, the Canadian leader, whom we 
met some time ago at St John. On the cap- 
ture of that place by Rous in the summer 

1 * Major Frye with a party of 200 men embarked on Board 
Captain Cobb Newel and Adams to go to Sheperday and take 
what French thay Could and burn thare vilges thare and at 
Petcojack. 1 Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, 
vol. i, p. 131. Diary of John Thomas. 


Boishebert had taken to the woods with his 
followers, and was assisting the settlers of 
Chepody to gather in the harvest when Frye's 
raiders appeared. Frye did not attempt to 
pursue his assailants, but retired at once to 
Fort Cumberland with twenty-three captured 
women and children. He had, however, de- 
stroyed over two hundred buildings and a large 
quantity of wheat and flax. Meanwhile Gil- 
bert had laid waste the village at Baie Verte 
id the neighbouring farms. 1 

August 31 the transports had arrived at 
msejour, and early in the p^onth of Sep- 
tember the embarkation begak^ The work, 
however, was tedious, and in the interval the 
English met with another misfortune. On 
October i eighty-six Acadian prisoners dug 
a hole under the wall of Fort Lawrence and, 
eluding the vigilance of the guards, made good 
their escape in the night. 2 But on October 13 
a fleet of ten sail, carrying nine hundred and 
sixty Acadian exiles, left Chignecto Bay bound 
for South Carolina and Georgia. After the 

1 * A Party Likewise from ye Bay of verte under ye comand 
of Capt. Gilbert who had bin and consumed that vilige and the 
Houses adjasent.' 0/an/ of John Thomas. 

9 Stormy Dark Night Eighty Six French Prisoners Dugg 
under ye Wall att Foart Lawrance and got Clear undiscovered 
by ye Gentry.' Diary of John Thomas. 


departure of the vessels the soldiers destroyed 
every barn and house in the vicinity and drove 
several herds of cattle into Fort Cumberland. 1 
/Lawrence was now rid of nearly a thousand 
Acadians!^ It was less than he expected, to 
be sure, "arid yet no doubt it was a great relief 
to him. ^S>out this time he should have re- 
ceived SirThomas Robinson's letter of August 
13, conveying to him the king's wishes in 
effect that the Acadians were not to be 
molested. 2 This letter received in time would 
no doubt have stopped the whole undertaking. 
But now that some of the people had already 
been deported, there was nothing to be done 
'but o go on with the business to the bitter 

At Annapolis Royal, more than a hundred 
miles south of Monckton's camp, matters pro- 
ceeded more slowly. Handfield, the comman- 
dant there, had decided to wait for the arrival 
of the promised transport$ before attempting 

1 'We Burnt 30 Houses Brought away one Woman 200 Hed 
of Neat Cattle 20 Horses . . . we mustered about Sunrise 
mustered the Cattle Togather Drove them over ye River near 
westcock Sot Near 50 Houses on Fyre and Returned to Fort 
Cumberland with our Cattle etc. about 6 Clock P.M.' Diary 
of John Thomas, pp. 136-7. 

2 The date of the receipt of this letter is uncertain ; but it is 
evident that he received it before the 30th of November, as on 
that day he replied to a letter of the I3th of August. 


to round up the inhabitants. Then, when 
his soldiers went forward on their mission 
up the river, no sound of human voice met 
their ears in any of the settlements. The in- 
habitants had hidden in the woods. Hand- 
field appealed to Winslow, who was then at 
Grand Pre, for more troops to bring the people 
to reason. 1 But Winslow had no troops to 
spare. Handfield does not appear to have 
relished his task, which he described as a 
'disagreeable and troublesome part of the 
service/ What induced the inhabitants to 
return to their homes is not clear, but early in 
the month of September they resumed their 
occupations. They remained unmolested until 
early in November, when a fresh detachment 
of troops arrived to assist in their removal. 
On December 4 over sixteen hundred men, 
women, and children were crowded into the 
transports, which lay off Goat Island and which 
four days later set sail at eight o'clock in the 

Meanwhile Captain Murray of Fort Edward 
was doing his duty in the Pisiquid neighbour- 
hood. On September 5 he wrote to Winslow 
at Grand Pre, only a few miles distant : ' I 
have succeeded finely and have got 183 

1 WinsloLu'3 Journal, part ii, p. 96. 


men into my possession.' l But there was 
still much to be done. Three days later he 
wrote again : ' I am afraid there will be some 
lives lost before they are got together, for 
you know our soldiers hate them, and if they 
can find a pretence to kill them, they will.' 
Of the means Murray employed to accom- 
plish his task we are not told, but he must 
have been exceedingly active up to October 
14, for on that date nine hundred persons had 
been gathered into his net. His real troubles 
now began ; he was short of provisions and 
without transports. At last two arrived, one 
of ninety tons, and the other of one hundred 
and fifty : these, however, would not accom- 
modate half the people. Another sloop was 
promised, but it was slow in coming. He 
became alarmed. ' Good God, what can keep 
her ! ' he wrote. * I earnestly entreat you to 
send her with all despatch. . . . Then with the 
three sloops and more vessels I will put them 
aboard, let the consequence be what it will.' 2 
He was as good as his word. On October 23 
Winslow wrote : ' Captain Murray has come 
from Pisiquid with upwards of one thousand 
people in four vessels.' 3 

1 Winslow's Journal, part ii, p. 96. 8 Ibid., p. 173. 

5 Ibid., p, 178. 


Colonel Winslow arrived on August 19 at 
Grand Pre, in the district of Minas. After re- 
questing the inhabitants to remove all sacred 
objects from the church, which he intended 
to use as a place of arms, he took up his 
quarters in the presbytery. A camp was then 
formed around the church, and enclosed by a 
picket-fenge. His first action was to summon 
the principal inhabitants to inform them that 
they would be required to furnish provisions 
for the troops during their occupancy, and 
to take effective measures to protect the crops 
which had not yet been garnered. There was 
danger that if the object of his visit were to 
become known, the grain might be destroyed. 
He was careful, therefore, to see that the harvest 
was gathered in before making any unfavour- 
afcde announcement. 

/JuVi August 29 Winslow held a consultation 
with Murray as to the most expeditioiKymeans 
of effecting the removal of the peoplgp/ The 
next day three sloops from Boston came to 
anchor in the basin. There was, of course, 
immediate and intense excitement among the 
inhabitants ; yet, in spite of all inquiries re- 
garding their presence, no information could 
elicited from either the crews or the soldiers. 
September 2, however, Winslow issued a 


proclamation informing the people that the 
lieutenant-governor had a communication 
impart to them respecting a new resolutk>ny 
and that His Majesty 's intention^in respem 
thereto would be made knowrnf They were, 
therefore, to appear in the church at Grand 
Pre on Friday, September 5, at three o'clock 
in the afternoon/ No excuse would be ac- 
cepted for non-attendance ; and should any 
fail to attend, their lands and chattels would 
be forfeited to the crown. 

Winslow's position was by no means strong. 
He had taken all the precautions possible ; 
but he was short of provisions, and there was 
no sign of the expected supply-ship, the Saul. 
Besides, the Acadians far outnumbered his 
soldiers, and should they prove rebellious 
trouble might ensue. ' Things are now very 
heavy on my heart and hands,' he wrote a 
few days later. * I wish we had more men, 
but as it is shall I question not to be able to 
scnffle through.' l 

/The eventful 5th of September arrived, and 
aFlhree o'clock four hundred and eighteen 
the inhabitants walked slowly into the churc 
which had been familiar to them from 
youth, and closely connected with the most 

1 Winslow's Journal, part ii, p. 97. 


solemn as well as with the most joyous event. 
of their lives. Here their children had been 
baptized, and here many of them had been 
united in the bonds of matrimony. Here the 
remains of those they loved had been carried, 
ere they were consigned to their final resting- 
place, and here, too, after divine service, they 
had congregated to glean intelligence of what 
was going on in the world beyond their ken. 
Now, however, the scene was changed. Guards 
were at the door ; and in the centre of the 
church a table had been placed, round which 
soldiers were drawn up. Presently Colonel 
Winslow entered, attended by his officers. 
Deep silence fell upon the people as he began 
to speak. The substance of his speech has 
been; preserved in his Journal, as follows : 

Gentlemen, I have received from His Excellency, 
Cover nor Lawrence, the King's commission which I 
have in my hand. By his orders you are convened 
to hear His Majesty's final resolution in respect" to 
the French inhabitants of this his province of Nova 
Scotia , who for almost half a century have had more 


ence granted them than any of his subjects in 

any p; irt of his dominions. What use you have made 
of it, ; rou yourselves best know. 

The duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very 
disagreeable to my natural make and temper, as I 
know it must be grievous to you who are of the same 



species. But it is not my business to animadvert, 
but to obey such orders as I receive ;and therefore 
f I without hesitation I shall deliver yotjHis Majesty's 
orders and instructions, namely : TnaT your lands 
and tenements, cattle of all kinds and live stock of 
all sorts are forfeited to the Crown with all your 
other effects, saving your money and household 
goods, and that you^^purselves are to be removed 
from this his province^j 

Thus it is peremptorily His Majesty's orders that 
all the French inhabitants of these districts be re- 
moved ; and through His Majesty's goodness I am 
directed to allow you liberty to carry with you your 
money and as many of your household goods as you 
can take without discommoding the vessels you go 
in. I shall do everything in my power that all these 
goods be secured to you, and that you be not molested 
in carrying them with you, and also that whole 
families shall go in the same vessel ; so that this 
removal which I am sensible must give you a great 
deal of trouble may be made as easy as His 
Majesty's service will admit ; and I hope that in 
whatever part of the world your lot may fall, you 
may be faithful subjects, and a peaceable and happy 

\ I must also inform you that it is His Majesty's 
/pleasure that you remain in security under the in- 
; spection and direction of the troops that I have the 
X honour to command. 1 

1 Wlnalow's Journal, part ii, p. 94. It is not thought neces- 
sary here to follow the grotesque spelling- of the original. It 
will be noted that the doom of the people is pronounced in the 



This address having been delivered and in- 
terpreted to the people, Winslow issued orders 
to the troops and seamen not to kill any of the 
cattle or rob the orchards, as the lands and 
possessions of the inhabitants were now the 
property of the king. He then withdrew to 
his quarters in the presbytery, leaving the 
soldiers on guard. 

The first thoughts of the stricken prisoners 
were of their families, with whom they had 
no means of communication and who would 
not understand the cause of their detention. 
After some conversation together, a few of the 
elders asked leave to speak to the commander. 
This being granted, they requested to be 
allowed to carry the melancholy news to the 
homes of the prisoners. Winslow at length 
ordered them to choose each day twenty men, 
for whom the others would be held responsible, 
to communicate with their families > and to 
bring in food for all the prisoners. , 

Only five transports lay in the basin of 
Minas. No provisions were in sight. It was 
impossible as yet to put all the prisoners on 
board. More had been captured, and they 

name of the king. But, as already stated, the king- or the home 
government knew nothing of it ; and instructions of a quite con- 
trary tenor were even then on their way to Lawrence, 


now outnumbered Winslow's troops nearly two 
to one. Presently news came of the disaster 
to Frye's party at Chepody. Winslow, having 
observed suspicious movements among the 
prisoners, began to fear for the safety of his 
own position. He held a consultation with 
his officers. It was decided to divide the 
prisoners, and put fifty of the younger men on 
each of the transports. 1 The parish priest, 
Father Landry, who had a good knowledge of 
English and was the principal spokesman of 
the Acadians, was told to inform the inhabi- 
tants that one hour would be given them to 
prepare for going on board. Winslow then 
brought up the whole of his troops, and 
stationed them between the door of the church 
and the gate. The Acadians were drawn up ; 
the young men were told off and ordered to 
march. They refused to obey unless their 
fathers might accompany them. 2 Winslow 

1 Winslow's Journal, part ii, p. 1 08. 'September 10. Called 
my officers together and communicated to them what I had 
observed, and after debating matters it was determined, nemine 
contract icente, that it would be best to divide the prisoners.' 

* I bid., p. 109. ' They all answered they would not go without 
their fathers. I told them that was a word I did not understand, 
for that the King's command was to me absolute and should be 
absolutely obeyed, and that I did not love to use harsh means, 
but that the time did not admit of parleys or delays ; and then 
ordered the whole troops to fix their bayonets and advance 


informed them that orders were orders, that 
this was not the time for parley, and com- 
manded the troops to fix bayonets and advance. 
This appears to have had the effect desired, 
for, with the assistance of the commander, 
who pushed one of them along, twenty-four 
men started off and the rest followed. The 
road from the church to the ships, nearly a 
mile and a half in length, was lined by hun- 
dreds of women and children, who fell on their 
knees weeping and praying. Eighty soldiers 
conducted the procession, which moved but 
slowly. Some of the men sang, some wept, 
and others prayed. 1 At last the young men 
were put aboard and left under guard, while 
the escort returned to bring another contin- 
gent of the prisoners ; and so until all who 
were deemed dangerous had been disposed of. 
The vessels had not been provisioned ; but 
the women and children brought daily to the 
shore food which the soldiers conveyed to the 

After this it appears that the soldiers com- 

towards the French. I bid the four right-hand files of the 
prisoners, consisting of twenty-four men, which I told off myself 
to divide from the rest, one of whom I took hold on.' 

1 Winsloiv'a Journal, part ii, p. 109.' They went off praying, 
singing, and crying, being met by the women and children all 
the way (which is a mile and a half), with great lamentations.' 


mitted some depredations in the neighbour- 
hood, and Winslow issued an order forbidding 
any one to leave the camp after the roll-call. 1 
In the meantime parties were sent to remote 
parts of the rivers in search of stragglers, but 
only thirty, very old and infirm, were found, 
and it was decided to leave them ashore until 
the ships should be ready to depart. It still 
remained, however, to bring in the inhabitants 
of the parish of Cobequid, and a detachment 
under Captain Lewis was dispatched on this 
errand. He returned without a prisoner. The 
inhabitants of Cobequid had fled ; but Lewis 
reported that he had laid their habitations in 

Neither the needed transports nor the pro- 
visions had arrived. Winslow chafed and 
groaned. He longed to be rid of the painful 
and miserable business. At last, on the even- 
ing of September 28, came the belated supply- 
ship ; but where were the transports ? Win- 
slow resolved to fill up the five vessels which 
lay in the basin, and ordered that the women 
and children should be brought to the shore. 

1 Winalow's Journal, part ii, p. 113.* September 13. No party 
or person will be permitted to go out after calling the roll on 
any account whatever, as many bad things have been done lately 
in the night, to the distressing of the distressed French inhabi- 
tants in this neighbourhood/ 


/Families and those of the same village were to 
/be kept together, as far as possible. -J 

" Meanwhile twenty-four of the young men 
imprisoned on the ships made good their 
escape, and one Francois Hebert was charged 
as an abettor. Winslow ordered Hebert to 
be brought ashore, and, to impress upon the 
Acadians the gravity of his offence, his house 
and barn were set on fire in his presence. At 
the same time the inhabitants were warned 
that unless the young men surrendered within 
two days all their household furniture would 
be confiscated and their habitations destroyed. 
If captured, no quarter would be given them. 
The result was that twenty-two of the young 
men returned to the transports. The other 
toe were overtaken by the soldiers and shot. 1 
] Finally a number of transports arrived, 
and, on October 8, amid scenes of wild, confu- 
sion, the embarkation began in earnesEj.From 
the villages far and near came the families of 
those whojsrere detained in the church and on 
the vessetedf Some came aiding the infirm or 
carryingTne sick, while others were laden with 
bundles of their personal effects. Most were 
on foot, although a few rode in the vehicles 
bringing their household goods. Old and 

Winslow 's Journal, part ii, p. 173. 


young wended their way to the vessels, weary 
and footsore and sad at heart. /In all, eighty 
families were taken to the boats. The next 
day the men who had been imprisoned on the 
vessels since September 10 were brought 
ashore in order that they might join their 
families and accompany the people of their 
own villages. JFour days later (October 13) 
several of the ships received sailing orders, 
some for Maryland, othexs for Pennsylvania, 
* others for VirginiaTJ 
By the ist of November Winslow 
r er fifteen hundred 

ieties wee by no means at an end. /There 
were still a large number of people to oe de- 
ported. The difficulty lay in the shortage of 
transports?? After the vessels had been taxed 
to their "unnost, Winslow had still over six 
hundred persons on his hands ; 1 and he was 
obliged in the meantime-to quarter them in 
houses at Grand Pre. /There remained also 
the task of destroying the villages to prevent 
their occupation by stragglers, fcn accordance 
with Lawrence's orders. I Finattyfon December 
13, transports were provided for the unhappy 
remnant of the prisoners J_and seven days 
later the last vessels left port. \The cruel task 

1 Winslow's Journal, part-arT-" 183. 


was doneJln all, over six thousand persons 
had been lorcibly deported, while the rest of 
the population had been driven to the wilder- 
ness and their homes laid waste. Some 
wandered to the Isle St Jean and others to 
New Brunswick and Canada. ] The land of 
the Acadians was a solitude. "~ 

And so, sorrow-framed, the story of the 
expulsion draws to its close. Hardly had the 
deplorable work ended, when England made 
with Frederick of Prussia the treaty which 
formally inaugurated her Seven Years* War 
with France. For Lawrence, perhaps, this 
was a fortunate circumstance. The day of 
mutual concessions had passed ; and an act 
which a few months before might have been 
denounced as unwarrantable might now, in 
the heat of a mighty contest, be regarded as 
a patriotic service. Nor is this the only in- 
stance of the kind in history. Often, indeed, 
has war served, not only to cover the grossest 
inhumanities ; it has even furnished an excuse 
for substantial reward. 



THUS the Acadians passed from the land 
their birth and from the scenes of their youth. 
Some were to wander as exiles in many lands 
for many years, separated from their children 
and from their kind, while others, more fortu- 
nate, were soon to regain their native soil. 

JCawrence,in his instructions to the governors 
ofcthe colonies to which he had sent the exiles, 
said that they were ' to be received and dis- 
posed of in such a manner as may best answer 
our dgsigft^pf preventing their reunion ' as a 
peopleTT^t was not intended to tear apart 
familiesahtt* friends, but, .owing to the scarcity 
of vessels and the inadequate arrangements 
for the d^oortation, there were many cruel 
separations^ The deputies confined since July 
on George^ Island, for example, were at the 
last moment transferred to Annapolis in order 
that they might accompany their families, but 
this was not effected, for the deputies them- 



selves landed in North Carolina, while their 
wives and children were dispersed in other 
colonies. 1 One of the leading Acadians, and 
one who had loyally served the British, Rene 
Le Blanc, notary of Grand Pr6, was landed 
with his wife and his two youngest children in 
New York, while his^ighteerj^pther children 
were scattered far an^wid^^TThe real separa- 
tion of families, however, begcwwirthe colonies. 
For example, four hundred persons were trans- 
ported to Connecticut ; but before the whole 
number arrived an order w^ent forth for their 
dispersion in fifty towns/^ Nineteen were 
allotted to Norwich^ whits** three only were 
sent to Haddon. /In some colonies only 
the first boats were*etftowed to disembark the 
exiles, and the masters^oi the others were 
forced to seek other ports.Jj 

fThe treatment of the exiles in the colonies 
Vcffied according to circumstances. In some 
instances the younger men and women were 
bound out to service for periods varying from 
three to twelve weeks. In others they were 
left free to maintain themselves by their own 

1 Nova Scotia Documents, p. 280. Calnek and Savary, History 
of the County of Annapolis, p. 124. 

2 Petition of the Acadians deported to Philadelphia. Printed 
in Richard, vol. ii, p. 371. 


efforts, the state to provide for such as were 
incapaBle, through age or infirmity, of per- 
forming manual labour. Hundreds of those 
who were placed under control escaped and 
wandered, footsore and half clad, from town to 
town in the hope of meeting their relatives or 
of finding means to return to their former 
homes. Little record has been preserved of 
the journeyings of these unfortunates or of the 
sufferings they endured. 

^T About a third of the people deported from 
Nova Scotia in 1755 found their way to South 
Carolina, although that does not appear to 
have been the destination proposed for them 
by Lawrence^ On November 6, 1755, the 
South Carolina Gazette announced that ' the 
Baltimore Snow is expected from the Bay of 
Fundy with some French Neutrals on board 
to be distributed in the British colonies. 1 A 

-fortnight later the first of these arrived, and 
in the course of a few weeks over a thousand 
been landed at Charleston. Soon after, 
probably passed onby other colonies, a thou- 
sand more arrived!^ Alarmed by the pre- 
sence of so many=^crangers, the authorities 
adopted measures to place them under re- 
straint ; and in February 1756 two parties of 
the prisoners broke loose : thirty of them out- 


distanced their pursuers ; five or six, accord- 
ing to the Gazette, made their way to the plan- 
tation of a Mr Williams on the Santee, terrified 
the family, secured a quantity of clothing and 
firearms, broke open a box containing money, 
and headed across the Alleghanies, it was 
thought, for the French stronghold, Fort 
Duquesne, where Pittsburgh now stands. This 
conjecture is probable, since nine Acadians 
from Fort Duquesne arriyed at the river St 
John some time later, An the interval the 
South Carolina legislaturfe^assed an act for 
the dispersion of four-fifths of the French 
Neutrals in various parishes at the public 
expense^the remaining fifth to be supported 
Charleston by the vestry of St Phillips. 
April 16 passports were given to one hun- 
red and thirty persons to proceed to Virginia. 
Here they obtained theauthority of the 
governor to return to Acadi^jand they fetched 
the river St John on June 16, i756A-Some 
time later the governor of South Carolina 
gave the remainder of .the ygeople permission 
to go where they pleased^XTwo old ships and 
a quantity of inferior provisions were placed 
at thei^di&posal, and they sailed for Hampton, 
Virgini^xjn due course nine hundred of them 
landed in the district of the river St John," ^> 


where they were employed by Vaudreuil, 
the governor f jaf New France, in harrying 
the British. \ By the year 1763 only two 
hundred and gijyfity-three Acadians remained 
in South Carolina^ One family of the name 
of Lanneau became Protestants and gave two 
ministers to the Presbyterian Church the 
Rev. John Lanneau, who afterwards went as 
a missionary to Jerusalem, and the Rev. Basil 
Lanneau, who became Hebrew tutor in the 
Theological Seminary at Columbia. 

Among the refugees who put out from 
Minas on October 13, 1755, were some four 
hundred and fifty destined for Philadelphia. 
The vessels touched Delaware on November 20, 
when it was discovered that there were several 
cases of smallpox on board, and the masters 
were ordered to leave the shore. They were 
not permitted to land at Philadelphia until the 
loth of December. Many of the exiles died 
during the winter, and were buried in the 
cemetery of the poor which now forms a part 
of Washington Park, Philadelphia. The sur- 
vivors were lodged in a poor quarter of the 
town, in ' neutral huts,* as their mean dwell- 
ings were termed. When the plague-stricken 
people arrived, Philadelphia had scarcely re- 
covered from the panic of a recent earthquake. 



Moreover, there was a letter, said to have been 
written by Lawrence, dated at Halifax, 
August 6, and published in the Philadelphia 
Gazette on September 4, not calculated to 
place the destitute refugees in a favourable 
light. This is the substance of the letter : 
We are now forming the noble project of driv- 
ing the French Neutrals out of this province. 
They have long been our jsecretenemies 
and have assisted the JEndiatis. TCw 
able fo~accomplish^ t heiifexpulsipn, it will be 
one of the great achievements of the English 
in America, for, among other considerations, 

best in the country, and we can place good 
English farmers_ in~theirjstead. A few days 
later another letter was published to the effect 
that three Acadians had been arrested charged 
with poisoning the wells in the vicinity of 
Halifax. Their trial, it was stated, had not 
yet taken place ; but if guilty they would 
have but a few hours to live. 

Robert Hunter Morris, the governor at this 
time of Pennsylvania, wrote to Shirley of 
Massachusetts saying that, as he had not 
sufficient troops to enforce order, he feared 
that the Acadians would unite with the Irish 
and German Catholics in a conspiracy against 


the state. He also addressed the governor of 
New Jersey x to the same effect. The governor 
of New Jersey, in his reply, expressed surprise 
that those who planned to send the French 
Neutrals, or rather rebels and traitors to the 
British crown, had not realized that there 
were already too many strangers for the peace 
and security of the colonies : that they should 
have been sent to Old France. He was quite 
in accord with Morris in believing there was a 
danger of the people joining the Irish Papists 
in an attempt to ruin and destroy the king's 

l^The Acadians had arrived at Philadelphia 
in a most deplorable condition. One of the 
Quakers who visited the boats while they 
were in quarantine reported that they were 
without shirts and socks and were sadly in 
need of bed - clothing? A petition to the 
governor, giving an "account of their conduct 
in Acadia and of the treatment they had re- 
ceived, fell on deaf ears. [An act was passed 
for their dispersion in the counties of Bucks, 
Lancaster, and Chester./ The refugees, how- 
ever, were not withotfr friends. / To several 

1 Jonathan Belcher, governor of New Jersey and later of 
Massachusetts. He was the father t>f the chief justice of Nova 


Quakers they were indebted for many acts of 
kindness and generosity./ 

Among those depoitdi to Philadelphia was 
one of the Le Blanc family, a boy of seventeen, 
Charles Le Blanc. Early in life he engaged 
in commerce, and in the course of a long and 
successful career in Philadelphia amassed an 
enormous fortune, including large estates in 
the colonies and in Canada. After his death 
in 1816 there were many claimants to his 
estate, and the litigation over it is not yet 

fjThe Acadians taken to New York were evi- 
dently ^podrlisliEe^ Phila- 
delphia^? An Act of July 6, 1756, recites that 
' a certain number have been received into 
this colony, poor, naked, and destitute of 
every convenience and support of life, and, to 
the end that they may not continue as they 
now really are, useless to His Majesty, to 
themselves, and a burthen to this colony, be 
it enacted . . . that jthe Justices of the Peace 
... be required and empowered to bind with 
respectable familiesjsuch as are not arrived 
at the age of twenty-one years, for stab a 
space of time as they may think proper.^ The 
justices were to make the most favourable 
contracts for them, and when their term of 

A.E. R- 


service expired, they were to be paid either 
in implements of trade, clothing, or other 

In th^month of August 1756 one hundred 
and ten sturdy Acadian boys and girls made 
their appearance in New York. They had 
travelled all the way from Georgia in the hope 
of finding means to return to Acadia. Great 
was their disappointment when they were 
seized by the authorities and placed out to 
service. Later some of the parents straggled 
in, but they were dispersed immediately in 
Orange and Westchester counties, and some 
on Long Island, in charge of a constable. The 
New York Mercury of July 1757 reported 
that a number of the neutrals had been cap- 
tured near Fort Edward while on their way 
to Crown Point. Between the arrival of the 
first detachment in New York and the month 
of August 1757 the colony was compelled to 
provide for large numbers who came in from 
distant places. To prevent any further escape 
the sheriffs were commanded to secure all the 
Acadians, except women and children, in the 
county gaol. 

At a later date these unfortunates were put 
to a strange use. Sir Harry Moore, governor 
of the colony of New York (1765-69), had 


designs upon the French colony at Santo 
Domingo, in the West Indies, and desired 
plans of the town and its fortifications. So 
he entered into correspondence with the 
French Admiral, Count d'Estaing, offering to 
transport thither seventy Acadian families in 
order that they might live under the French 
flag. The count accepted the offer and issued a 
proclamation to the Acadians inviting them 
to Santo Domingo. Moore had arranged that 
John Hanson should conduct the exiles to 
their new home. Hanson, on arriving at 
the French colony, was to take a contract 
to build houses and make out the desired 
military plans while so engaged. He suc- 
ceeded in transporting the Acadians, but 
failed in the real object of his mission. 
He was not allowed the liberty of building 
houses in Santo Domingo. ArHe Acadians who 
went to the West Indies*suffered greatly. 
The tropical climate proved disastrous to 
men and women who had beenx^eared in 
the atmosphere of the Bay of Fundy> They 
crawled under trees and shrubs to escape the 
fierce rays of the sun. /Numbers of them 
perishe4 and life became* a burden to the 

j F 

Far different was the lot of the Acadians 


who were sent tovMaryland. 1 There they 
were kindly received^and found, no doubt, a 

lot than inlmy of the other colonies. 
Those landed at Baltimore were at first lodged 

private houses and in a building belonging 
to a Mr FotheTatl, where they had a little 
chapel. Ij\nd it was not long before the frugal 
and industrious exiles were able to construct 
small but comfortable houses of their own on 
South Charles Street, giving to thaJL.quarter 
of the city the name of French Town, f Many 
of them found employment on the waterside 
and in navigation. The old and infirm picked 

Massachusetts at one time counted in the 
colony a thousand and forty of the exiles, but 
all these had not come direct on the ships from 
Nova Scotia. Many of them had wandered 
in from other colonies. The people of Massa- 
chusetts loved not Catholics and Frenchmen ; 
nevertheless, in some instances they received 

1 The Maryland Gazette, Annapolis, December 4, 1755, said : 
' Sunday last [November 30] arrived here the last of the vessels 
from Nova Scotia with French Neutrals for this place, which 
makes four within this fortnight bringing upwards of nine 
hundred of them. As the poor people have been deprived of 
their settlements in Nova Scotia, and sent here for some political 
reason bare and destitute, Christian charity, nay, common 
humanity, calls on every one according to his ability to lend 
assistance and to help these objects of compassion.' 


the refugees with especial kindness. At Wor- 
cester a small tract of land was set aside for 
the Acadians to cultivate, with permission to 
hunt deer at all seasons. The able-bodied 
men and women toiled in the fields as reapers, 
and added to their income in the evening by 
making wooden implements. The Acadians 
were truly primitive in their methods. ' Al- 
though,' says a writer of the time, * they tilled 
the soil they kept no animals for labour. The 
young men drew their material for fencing 
with thongs of sinew, and they turned the 
earth wi.h a spade. The slightest allusion to 
their native land drew forth tears and many 
of the aged died of a broken heart.' 

As French Neutrals began to come into 
Boston from other towns, the selectmen of 
that city protested vigorously and passed the 
people on to outlying parishes, promising, 
however, to be responsible for their main- 
tenance should they become a public charge. 
Several instances are recorded of children 
being sent to join their parents. A certain 
number were confined in the workhouse and 
in the provincial hospital. But on December 
6, 1760, the authorities gave instructions for 
the hospital to be cleared to make room for the 
colonial troops who were returning home, many 


of them suffering from contagious diseases; 
aad-the Acadians were f orthwith turned out. 
^Although none of the Acadians appear to 
have^been sent direct to Louisiana, large 
numbers of them found their way thither 
from various places, especially from Virginia, 
where they were not allowed to remain. Find- 
ing in Louisiana men speaking their own 
tongaer~they felt a sense uf security, ancT 
gfadt*a41ysettied down with a degree of con- 
tentmentTTrhere are to-day in various parishes 
of Louisiana many thousand 

Acadian- Americans. 

?Df the Acadians who succeeded in escaping 
Importation and went into voluntar^^ile, 
many sought shelter in New Brunswiofe, on 
the rivers Petitcodiac, MemramcooK, ~Buc- 
touche, Richibucto, and Miramichi, and along 
Chaleur Bay. The largest of the settlements 
so formed was the one on the Miramichi, at 
Pierre Beaubair's seigneuN^where the village 
of Nelson now stand^ For several years 
these refugees in New\Brunswick bravely 
struggled against hardship, disease, and starva- 
tion ; but in the late autumn of 1759 the 
several settlements sent deputies to Colonel 
Frye at Fort Cumberland, asking on what 
terms they would be received back to Nova 


Scotia/y Frye took a number of them into the 

fort tot the winter, and presented their case 
to Lawrence. \It was decided to accept their 
submission and supply them with provisions. 
But when the people returned they were held 
as vassals ; and many of them afterwards 
were either sent out of the province to France 
or England, or left it voluntarily for St Pierre 
and Miquelon or the West IndiesN* 

Other fugitives of 1755, fifteenfmndred, ac- 
cording to one authority, 1 succeeded in reach- 
ing Quebec. Here their lot was a hard one. 
Bigot and his myrmidons plundered every- 
body, and the starving Acadians did not escape. 
They had managed to bring with them a little 
money and a few household treasures, of which 
they were soon robbed. For a time they were 
each allowed but four ounces of bread a day, 
and were reduced, it is said, to searching the 
gutters for food. To add to their miseries 
smallpox broke out among them and many 
perished from the disease. After Quebec 
surrendered and the victorious British army 
entered the gates, some two hundred of them, 
under the leadership of a priest, Father 
Coquart, who apparently had a passport from 

1 Placide Gaudet, 'Acadian Genealogy and Notes,' Canadian 
Archives Report. 1906. vol. ii, part iii, Appendix A, p. xv. 


General Murray, marched through the wilder- 
ness to the headwaters of the St John and 
went down to Fort Frederick at the mouth of 
that river. Colonel Arbuthnot, the British 
commandant there, treated them generously. 
In 1761, however, many Acadians at the St 
John were seized and deported to Halifax, 
where they were held as prisoners of war, but 
were provided with rations and given ' good 
wages for road-making.' 1 Of those who 
escaped this deportation, some established 
themselves on the Kennebecasis river and 
some went up the St John to St Anne's, now 
Fredericton. But even here the Acadians 
were not to have a permanent home. Twenty 
years later, when the war of the Revolution 
ended and land was needed for the king's 
disbanded soldiers, the lands of the Acadians 
were seized. Once more the unfortunate 
people sought new homes, and found them at 
last along the banks of Chaleur Bay and of 
the Madawaska, where thousands of their de- 
scendants now rudely cultivate the fields and 
live happy, contented lives. 

The deportation did not bring peace to Nova 
Scotia. Acadians of New Brunswick and of 
those who had sought refuge in the forest 

1 MacMechan in Canada and its Provinces, vol. xiii, p. 115. 


fastnesses of the peninsula and Cape Breton 
joined with the Indians in guerilla warfare 
against the British ; and there was more kill- 
ing of settlers and more destruction of pro- 
perty from Indian raids than ever before. 
Early in the month of January 1756 British 
rangers rounded up over two hundred Acadian 
prisoners at Annapolis, and put them on board 
a vessel bound for South Carolina. The pris- 
oners, however, made themselves masters of 
the ship and sailed into the St John river in 
February. French privateers, manned by 
Acadians, haunted the Bay of Fundy and the 
Gulf of St Lawrence and carried off as prizes 
twelve British vessels. But in 1761 the 
British raided a settlement of the marauders 
on Chaleur Bay, and took three hundred and 
fifty prisoners to Halifax. 

We have seen in a preceding chapter that 
from time to time numbers of Acadians volun- 
tarily left their homes in Nova Scotia and 
went over to French soil. Many of these 
took up their abode in He St Jean at Port La 
Joie (Charlottetown), where they soon formed 
a prosperous settlement and were able to supply 
not only the fortress but the town of Louis- 
bourg with provisions. Those who were not 
engaged in agricultural pursuits found profit- 


able employment in the fisheries. There were 
also thriving settlements at Point Prince, St 
Peter, and Malpeque. It is computed that in 
1755 there were at least four thousand Aca- 
dians in He St Jean. A much larger estimate 
is given by some historians. Now, on the fall 
of Louisbourg in 1758, some of the British 
transports which had brought out troops from 
Cork to Halifax were ordered to He St Jean 
to carry the Acadians and French to France. 
The largest of these transports was the Duke 
William ; another was named the Violet. 
Some of the Acadians made good their escape, 
but many were dragged on board the vessels. 
On the Duke William was a missionary priest, 
and before the vessels sailed he was called 
upon to perform numerous marriages, for the 
single men had learned that if they landed 
unmarried in France they would be forced 
to perform military service, for which they 
had no inclination. Nine transports sailed in 
consort, but were soon caught in a violent 
tempest and scattered. On December 10 the 
Duke William came upon the Violet in a sink- 
ing condition ; and notwithstanding all efforts 
at rescue, the Violet went down with nearly 
four hundred souls. Meanwhile the Duke 
William herself had sprung a leak. For a time 


she was kept afloat by empty casks in the hold, 
but presently it became evident that the ship 
was doomed. The long-boat was put out and 
filled to capacity. And scarcely had the boat 
cleared when an explosion occurred and the 
Duke William went down, taking three hun- 
dred persons to a watery grave. The long- 
boat finally reached Penzance with twenty- 
seven of the castaways. The other vessels 
probably found some French port. 1 

In Nova Scotia the Acadians were sorely 
needed. Even their bitter enemy, Jonathan 
Belcher, now lieutenant-governor, 2 wrote on 

1 In 1763 there were 2370 Acadians in the maritime towns of 
France and 866 at various English ports. Many of these re- 
turned later to the land of their birth. See Canadian Archives 
Report, 1905, vol. ii, Appendix G, pp. 148 and 157. 

8 He succeeded Lawrence, who died in October 1760. Two 
documents in the Colonial Office Records raise more than a 
suspicion that Lawrence had been by no means an exemplary 
public servant. The first is a complaint made by Robert Sander- 
son, speaker of the first legislature of Nova Scotia, elected in 
1758, respecting the grave misconduct of Lawrence in many 
stated particulars, including the release from gaol before trial of 
prisoners charged with burglary and other grave offences as well 
as the misapplication of public funds. The second is a letter from 
the Lords of Trade to Belcher laying down rules for his conduct 
as lieutenant-governor and referring to the many serious charges 
against his predecessor, some of which they regard as having 
substantial foundation, and none of which they express them- 
selves as altogether rejecting. Consult, in the Public Archives, 
Canada, Noua Scotia A, vol. Ixv. 


June 1 8, 1761 : ' By representations made to 
me from the new settlements in this pro- 
vince, it appears extremely necessary that 
the inhabitants should be assisted by the 
Acadians in repairing the dykes for the pre- 
servation and recovery of the marsh lands, 
particularly as on the progress of this work, 
in which the Acadians are the most skilful 
people in the country, the support and sub- 
sistence of several hundred of the inhabitants 
will depend/ x It seemed almost impossible 
to induce settlers to come to the province ; 
and those who did come seem to have been 
unable to follow the example of the former 
owners of the soil, for much of the land 
which had been reclaimed from the sea by the 
labour and ingenuity of the Acadian farmers 
was once more being swept by the ocean 

Yet, when the Acadians began to return 
to Nova Scotia in ever-increasing numbers, 
Belcher and the Halifax Council decided to 
banish them again. In 1762 five transports 
loaded with prisoners were sent to Massa- 
chusetts, but that colony wanted no more 
Acadians and sent them back. Belcher had 
some difficulty in explaining his action to the 

1 Noua Scotia Documents, p. 319. 


home government. And the Lords of Trade 
dj4\not scruple to censure him. 
VjVhen the Treaty of Paris (February 1763) 
brought peace between France and England 
and put an end to French power in America, 
the Acadians could no longer be considered a 
menace, and there was no good political reason 
for keeping them out of Canada or Nova 
Scotia^jkAlmost immediately those in exile 
began u> seek new homes^ -anjong people of 
their own race and religion,/~The first migra- 
tion seems to have been from New England 
by the Lake Champlain route to the pro- 
vince of QuebecN There they settled at 
various places^rxjtably L'Acadie, St Gregoire, 
Nicolet, Becancour, St Jacques-l'Achigan, 
St Philippe, and Laprairie. In these com- 
munities hundreds of their descendants still 

\In 1766 the exiles in Massachusetts as- 

sembled in Boston and decided to return to 

s^heir native larjchv All who were fit to travel, 

^umbering^abouff nine hundred men, women, 

and childrervsnarched through the wilderness 

along the^Atlantic coast and across New 

Brunswick to the isthmus of Chignecto. Many 

perished by the,~way, overcome by the burden 

and fatigue of a journey which lasted over four 


months7> But at last the weary pilgrims ap- 
proached their destination. And near the site 
of the present village of Coverdale in Albert 
county, New Brunswick, they were attracted 
to a small farmhouse by the crowing of a cock 
in the early dawn. To their unspeakable joy 
they found the house inhabited by a family 
of their own race. Here they halted for a 
few daysy^naking inquiry concerning their old 
friends^Tnen they tramped on in different 
directions-^Everywhere on the isthmus the 
scene walTxhanged. The old familiar farm 
buildings had disappeared or were occupied 
by strangers of an alien tongue, and even the 
names of places were known no more. Some 
journeyed to Windsor and some to Annapolis, 
where they remained for a time. At length, 
on the western shores of the present counties 
of Digby and Yarmouth, they found a home, 
and there to-day live the descendants of these 
pilgrims. For miles their neat villages skirt 
the shores of the ocean and the banks of the 
streams. For a century and a half they have 
lived in peace, cultivating their salt-marsh 
lands and fresh-water meadows, preserving 
the simple manners, customs, and language 
of their ancestors. They form a community 
apart, a hermit community. But they are 



useful citizens, good farmers, hardy fishermen 
and sailors. 

Both in Canada and in the United States 
are to be found many Acadians occupying 
exalted positions. The chief justice of the 
Supreme Court of Louisiana, Joseph A. 
Breaux, is of Acadian descent. In Canada 
the Rt Rev. Edward Le Blanc, bishop of 
Acadia, the Hon. P. E. Le Blanc, lieutenant- 
governor of the province of Quebec, and the 
Hon. Pascal Poirier, senator, are Acadians, as 
are many other prominent men. And Isabella 
Labarre, who married Jean Foret, of Beau- 
bassin, was one of the maternal ancestors of 
Sir Wilfrid Laurier. 

Save in the Maritime Provinces, it is not 
possible to count the offspring of the original 
French settlers of Acadia who came out from 
France in the seventeenth century. It is esti- 
mated that there were at the time of the ex- 
pulsion ten or eleven thousand under the 
British flag, and four or five thousand in lie 
St Jean and elsewhere on French territory. 
About six thousand were deported, as we have 
seen, and scattered over the British colonies. 
Undoubtedly a great number of Americans of 
to-day are descendants of those exiles, but, 
except at the mouth of the Mississippi, they 


are merged in the general population and their 
identity is lost. Neither can we tell how many 
of those who found their way to Old France 
remained there permanently. For upwards of 
twenty years the French government was con- 
cerned in finding places for them. Some were 
settled on estates ; some were sent to Corsica ; 
others, as late as 1778, went to Louisiana. 
Nor can we estimate the number of Acadians 
in the province of Quebec, for no distinction 
has been made between them and the general 
French-Canadian population. For the Mari- 
time Provinces, however, we have the count 
of the census of 1911. This shows 98,611 in 
New Brunswick, 51,746 in Nova Scotia, and 
13,117 in Prince Edward Island, a total of 
163,474 in the three provinces. The largest 
communities are those of Gloucester, Victoria, 
Madawaska, and Kent counties in New Bruns- 
wick, and of Digby and Yarmouth in Nova 
Scotia. Several thousand Acadians are counted 
in Cape Breton ; so, too, in Halifax and 
Cumberland counties. But in the county of 
Annapolis, where stands the site of the first 
settlement formed on the soil of Canada the 
site of the ancient stronghold of Acadia 
and which for many generations was the prin- 
cipal home of the Acadian people, only two 


or three hundred Acadians are to be found 
to-day ; while, looking out over Minas Basin, 
the scene of so much sorrow and suffering, one 
solitary family keeps its lonely vigil in the 
village of Grand Pre. 



THE story of Acadia and the Acadians has been 
told many times, but most of the treatises on the 
subject are unsatisfactory from the historical 
point of view, either because of the biased attitude 
taken by the authors or because of their in- 
adequate use of original sources. The present 
writer has deliberately avoided consulting second- 
ary works. The following titles, however, are 
here suggested for the benefit of the reader who 
wishes to become acquainted with the literature 
of the subject. 

Thomas Chandler Haliburton, An Historical and 
Statistical Account of Nova Scotia (2 vols., Halifax, 
1829), the earliest general history of the province, 
based on but slight knowledge of the sources. 
Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova Scotia 
(3 vols., Halifax, 1865-1867), fuller and more accu- 
rate than Haliburton, but having less charm oi 
style. Francis Parkman, France and England // 
North America (9 vols., Boston, 1865-1892, an< 
later editions). The chapters on Acadia 
scattered through several volumes of this valuabh 
series: see the volumes entitled Pioneers oi 



France, The Old Regime, A Half-Century of 
Conflict, and Montcalm and Wolfe. Ce"lestin 
Moreau, Histoire de VAcadie Franchise (Paris, 
1873). James Hannay, History of Acadia (St 
John, 1879). P. H. Smith, Acadia : A Lost Chapter 
in American History (Pawling, N.Y., 1884). Justin 
Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America: 
see vols. iv and v (Boston, 1884, 1887), contain- 
ing scholarly bibliographical notes. Abbe* H. R. 
Casgrain, Un Pelerinage au pays d'Bvang61ine 
(Quebec, 1887). Rameau de Saint-Pere, Une 
Colonie Feodale en Amerique, fAcadie (2 vols., 
Paris and 'Montreal, 1889) : the appendix contains 
some interesting documents. Edouard Richard, 
Acadia : Missing Links of a Lost Chapter in 
American History (2 vols., New York and 
Montreal, 1895). Rev. Wm. O. Raymond, The 
River St John (2nd ed., St John, 1910). 

Some older works which incidentally contain 
interesting or valuable references to Acadia may 
be mentioned. F. X. Charlevoix, Histoire et Des- 
cription Generate de la Nouvelle France (3 vols., 
Paris, 1744 ; and translation by J. G. Shea, 6 vols., 
New York, 1866-1872). Abbe* Guillaume Thomas 
Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique des 
Etablissemens dans les deux Indes (5 vols., Paris, 
1770), which first painted a picture of an idyllic life 
of simplicity and happiness among the Acadians. 
Thomas Hutchinson, History of the Colony of 
Massachusetts Bay (3 vols., London, 1765-1828). 
G. R. Minot, Continuation of the History of the 


Province of Massachusetts Bay (2 vols., Boston, 
1798-1803). Jeremy Belknap, History of New 
Hampshire (3 vols., Boston, 1791-1792). W. D. 
Williamson, History of the State of Maine (2 vols., 
Hallowell, 1832). The last four works are of much 
value for the relations between Acadia and the 
New England colonies. 

Among special studies of note are : J. G. Kohl, 
Discovery of Maine (Documentary History of the 
State of Maine, vol. i, 1869). H. P. Biggar, Early 
Trading Companies of New Prance (Toronto, 1901). 
Henry Kirke, The First English Conquest of 
Canada (London, 1871 ; 2nd ed., 1908), a work 
which devotes much space to the early establish- 
ments in Nova Scotia. Rev. Edmund F. 
Slafter, Sir William Alexander and American 
Colonization (Boston, 1873), which contains a 
valuable selection of documents. Abbe' J. A. 
Maurault, Histoire des Abenakis (Sorel, 1866). 
Pascal Poirier, Origine des Acadiens (Montreal, 
1874) and Des Acadiens depones a Boston en 
1755 (Trans. Roy. Soc. of Can., 3rd series, vol. ii, 

Several local histories contain information re- 
garding the Acadian exiles in the American 
colonies. William Lincoln, History of Worcester, 
Massachusetts (Worcester, 1862). Bernard C. 
Steiner, History of the Plantation of Menunkatuck 
and of the Original Town of Guilford, Connecticut 
(Baltimore, 1897). Rev. D. P. O'Neill, History of 
St Raymond's Church, Westchester, New York. 


J. T. Scharf, Chronicles of Baltimore ( Baltimore, 
1874). Edward M'Crady, History of South Carolina 
under the Royal Government, 1719-1776 (New 
York, 1899). 

Of original sources, many of the more important 
narratives are available in print. Champlain 9 s 
Voyages, a work which appeared in its first form 
in 1604: recent editions are by Laverdiere 
(6 vols., Quebec, 1870) ; translation by Slafter 
(3 vols., The Prince Society, Boston, 1880-1882) ; 
and translations of portions by W. L. Grant in 
Jameson's Original Narratives of Early American 
History (New York, 1907). Marc Lescarbot, 
Histoire de la Nouvelle France (ist ed., Paris, 
1609) : a new edition with translation has been 
edited by W. L. Grant (The Champlain Society, 
3 vols., Toronto, 1907-1914). Nicolas Denys, Des- 
cription Geographique et Historique des Costes de 
VAmerique Septentrionale (Paris, 1672) : new 
edition and translation by William F. Ganong 
(The Champlain Society, Toronto, 1908). Denys 
tells of De Monts, Poutrincourt, Biencourt, and 
the La Tours. 

Supplementary information can be obtained 
from The Jesuit Relations (the first number, by 
Father Biard, was published at Lyons, 1616) ; see 
edition with translation, by R. G. Thwaites 
(Cleveland, 1896). See also Purchas, His 
Pi/grimes, vol. iv (1625) ; and John Winthrop, 
History of New England, edited by James Savage 
(2 vols., Boston, 1825-1826), and by J. K. Hosmer 


in Original Narratives of Early American History 
(New York, 1908). Gaston du Boscq de Beau- 
mont, Les Derniers Jours de VAcadie, 1748-1758 
(Paris, 1899) contains many interesting letters and 
memoirs from the French side at the time of the 

There are several important collections of 
documentary sources available in print. The 
Memorials of the English and French Commissaries 
concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia 
(London and Paris, 1755) contains the argu- 
ments and documents produced on both sides 
in the dispute regarding the Acadian boundaries. 
Many documents of general interest are to be 
found in the Collection de Documents relatifs a 
1'Histoire de la Nouvelle France (4 vols., Quebec, 
1885) ; in Documents relative to the Colonial History 
of the State of New York, edited by O'Callaghan 
and Fernow (15 vols., Albany, 1856-1887), particu- 
larly vol. ix ; and in the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society (Boston, 1792-). The 
Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society 
(Halifax, 1879-), besides modern studies, con- 
tain many valuable contemporary documents, 
including Journal of Colonel Nicholson at the 
Capture of Annapolis, Diary of John Thomas, and 
Journal of Colonel John Winslow. Thomas and 
Winslow are among the most important sources 
for the expulsion. 

The Report on Canadian Archives for 1912 prints 
several interesting documents bearing on the 


early history of Acadia, and the Report for 1905 
(vol. ii) contains documents relating to the 
expulsion, edited by Placide Gaudet. The 
calendars contained in various Reports to which 
references are made below may also be consulted. 
The British Government publications, the Calendar 
of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West 
Indies, which has been brought down only to 1702, 
and the Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, 
are also useful. But perhaps the most valuable of 
all is the volume entitled Selections from the 
Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia, 
edited by Thomas B. Akins (Halifax, 1869), though 
the editor has taken many liberties with his texts. 
A volume entitled Nova Scotia Archives II, edited 
by Archibald MacMechan (Halifax, 1900), contains 
calendars of Governors* Letter Books and a Com- 
mission Book, 1713-1741. 

The principal manuscript collections of material 
for Acadian history are in Paris, London, Boston, 
Halifax, and Ottawa. In Paris are the official 
records of French rule in America. Of the 
Archives des Colonies, deposited at the Archives 
Nationales, the following series are most im- 
portant : 

Series B : Letter Books of Orders of the King 
and Dispatches from 1663 onward (partially 
calendared in Canadian Archives Reports for 
1899 ; Supplement, 1904 and 1905). 

Series C: correspondence received from the 
colonies, which is subdivided geographically. All 


the American colonies have letters relating to the 
refugee Acadians, but the most important section 
for general Acadian history is C n , which relates 
to Canada and its dependencies, including Acadia 
itself, lie Royale, now Cape Breton, and lie 
St Jean, now Prince Edward Island. 

Series F, which includes in its subdivisions 
documents relating to commercial companies and 
religious missions, and the Moreau St Me*ry 
Collection of miscellaneous official documents. 

Series G : registers, censuses, lists of Acadian 
refugees, and notarial records. 

The Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres has, in the 
'Angleterre' section of its Correspondence Politique 
and the 'Amdrique* section of its Memoires et 
Documents, extensive material on the disputes 
with the English Government over Acadia. The 
Archives de la Marine (Series B), which is divided 
into eight sub-series, has a vast collection of 
documents relating to America, including Acadia. 
Acadian material is also found scattered through 
other series of the Archives Rationales and among 
the manuscripts of the Bibliotheque Rationale. 
At the town of Vire, in France, among the municipal 
archives, are to be found the papers of Thomas 
Pichon, a French officer at Louisbourg and 
Beausejour, who after the fall of Beausejour lived 
on intimate terms with the British in Nova Scotia. 

In London most of the official documents for the 
period under consideration in this volume are 
preserved in the Public Record Office. The most 


useful collections are among the Colonial Office 
Papers: Series C.O. 5, formerly described as 
America and West Indies, embraces the papers 
of the office of the Secretary of State who had 
charge of the American colonies ; and C. 0. 217-221, 
formerly, for the most part, described as Board of 
Trade Nova Scotia, contains the correspondence 
of the Board of Trade relating to Nova Scotia. 
The Admiralty Papers and Treasury Board Papers 
likewise contain considerable material for the story 
of British administration in Acadia. 

In the British Museum are some manuscripts of 
interest, the most noteworthy being Lieutenant- 
Governor Vetch's Letter Book (Sloane MS. 3607), 
and the Brown Collection (Additional MSS. 19069- 
19074). These are papers relating to Nova Scotia 
and the Acadians, 1711-1794, including the corre- 
spondence of Paul Mascarene. 

In Boston two important collections are to be 
found: the Massachusetts State Archives, which 
contain some original documents bearing on the 
relations between New England and Nova Scotia, 
and others connected with the disposal of those 
Acadians who were transported to Massachusetts, 
and many transcripts made from the French 
Archives; and the Parkman Papers, which are 
now in the possession of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society. 

The Public Records of Nova Scotia at Halifax 
contaj^ transcripts from the Paris and Massachu- 
setts Archives relating to Acadia, transcripts from 



the Public Record Office at London and from the 
British Museum, letter-books of the Governors of 
Nova Scotia, minutes of the Executive Council, 
and much miscellaneous correspondence and 
papers belonging to our period. 

In the Public Archives of Canada at Ottawa a 
very extensive collection of transcripts has been 
assembled comprising all the more important 
official documents relating to Acadia. A full 
description of most of the series can be obtained 
from David W. Parker's Guide to the Documents 
in the Manuscript Room at the Public Archives of 
Canada, vol. i (Ottawa, 1914). The series known as 
Nova Scotia State Papers is divided into several 
sub-series : A. Correspondence from 1603 onwards, 
made up chiefly of transcripts from the Papers of 
the Secretary of State and of the Board of Trade 
at the Public Record Office, but including some 
from the British Museum and elsewhere (a 
calendar is to be found in the Report on Canadian 
Archives for 1894) ; B. Minutes of the Executive 
Council of Nova Scotia, 1720-1785 ; E. Instructions 
to Governors, 1708 onwards. The Archives also 
possess transcripts of the French Archives des 
Colonies, Series B, down to 1746, Series C 11 and 
parts of Series F and G, and of many documents 
of the Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, of the 
Archives de la Marine, Series B, and of the Biblio- 
theque Nationale (among the latter being the 
Memoire instruct if de la conduite du Sr. de la Tour). 
Also transcripts of the Pichon Papers, of much of 



the C.O. 5 Series for this period in the Public 
Record Office, London ; of Vetch's Letter Book, 
the Brown Collection and other sources in the 
British Museum ; and of parts of the Parkman 
Papers, and other records regarding the exiled 
Acadians in the Massachusetts Archives. 


Lbnakis, the, 2, 27. See In- 

Acadia, geographical position 
of, 1-2 ; origin of name, i n. ; 
first French settlements in, 
3-8, ID, 13; taken by the 
English, 7, 8-9, 12, 17-19; 
restored to France, 9, 10, 
I3 17-19; in 1710, 14-16; 
the struggle between France 
and Britain for, 7-10, 12, 13, 
17-21, 89 ; finally surrendered 
to Britain, 21-7. See Aca- 
dians, Nova Scotia. 

Acadians, the, 14-16 ; under the 
British, 24-5, 27, 38-40, 77, 
QJ-S* 97-9 J their status under 
the Treaty of Utrecht, 28-9 ; 
desire to remove to I le Royale, 

20-31 * ri*fiisft tfl tflkp th<> fiafh 

of allegiance to Britain 

35, 37-8, 4i-4, <*3, 04, 93, 108- 
110; but are prepared to take 
a modified oath, 32-3, 45-6, 

n86-7, 108-12; influence 
e French priests over, 
33, 35, 37, 47-3, 64 J Britain's 
evasive policy towards, 34, 
35-7, 89 ; their attachment to 
France, 42, 92-3; their atti- 
tude of neutrality, 50-1, 53, 
55-6, 73, 92; those of He 
Royale transported to France, 
52, 56 ; a source of weakness 
to British in time of war, 

59; petition the king of 
France to obtain concessions 
from Britain, 67-8 ; permission 
to leave Nova Scotia refused, 
68-9 ; a considerable emigra- 
tion to He St Jean, 70 ; threa- 
tened by the Indians, 73-4; 
forced to take refuge among 
the French, 74; their hard 
conditions in war time, 77 ; 
fighting against the British, 
78, 79, 81 ; torn between hos- 
tile camps, 82 ; Hopson's con- 
ciliatory policy, 84 ; and the 
path of the priests, 86 ; thrown 
into a state of unrest and sus- 
picion, 88-9 ; reprimanded by 
the Council, 97-9; those of 
Cape Breton return to Nova 
Scotia and subscribe to the 
oath, loo ; forced by the 
French to take up arms at 
Beausejour, 104-5; refuse at 
Fort Gaspereau, 105 ; petition 
the Council for the restoration 
of their former privileges, 106- 
107, 109-12; their deputies im- 
prisoned, 108-9, 114; the ques- 
tion of the legality of the 
expulsion, 115-18; their ex- 
patriation, 119-37; their dis- 
persion and ultimate fate, 138- 
150 ; fate of those who escaped 
deportation, 13% '$0-2 f their 
return to St John river, 141- 



142 ; join in guerilla warfare 
against the British, 142, 153 ; 
the tragic fate of Prince 
Edward Island Acadians, 
J 53-5. the return to Nova 
Scotia, 156, 157-9 ; a second 
deportation, 156 ; the number 
and situation of their descen- 
dants, 150-61. See Acadia. 

Adams, John, lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of Nova Scotia, 48 
and note. 

Ailleboust, d', governor of He 
Royale, 87. 

Alexander, Sir William, his 
colony in Nova Scotia, 7, 8, 
9, 10, 17. 

Annapolis Royal, under the 
British, 23, 24, 26-7. See 
Port Royal. 

Anville, Due d', his disastrous 
expedition for the recapture 
of Louisbourg, 52. 

Arbuthnot, Colonel, and the 
Acadians, 152. 

Argall, Captain, raids Port 
Royal, 6, 17. 

Armstrong, Lawrence, lieu- 
tenant-governor, his aggres- 
sive Acadian policy, 41-5, 

Bannfield, his duplicity, 40. 

Bartelot, Captain, taken pris- 
oner at Fort Lawrence, 79. 

Beauharnois, governor of New 
France, 52, 57-8. 

Beaujeu, at Grand Pre", 55. 

Beausejour, captured by the 
British, 104-5. 

Belcher, Jonathan, governor of 
New Jersey, 144. 

Belcher, Jonathan, chief justice 
of Nova Scotia, 115, 117, 

H9 n. ; lieutenant-governor, 
" ; censured by the Lords 

'rade, 156-7. 

Biencourt, Charles de, his 
settlement at Port Royal, 
5, 6, 7, 8. See Poutrincourt. 

Boishebert, asserts French 
claim to district of St John, 
72, 75-6, 80, 122-3. 

Breaux, Joseph A., 159. 

Breslay, Abb6, and the Aca- 
dians, 45. 

Brouillan, governor of Acadia, 
13 ; of He Royale, 47. 

Cape Breton, 31. See He 

Champlain, Samuel de, his 
explorations in Acadia, 3-5 ; 
on Razilly, 10. 

Charnisay, Sieur d'Aulnay, his 
conflict with La Tour in 
Acadia, 11-12. 

Cobb, Captain, his affray at 
St John, 75-6 ; assists in the 
expulsion, 121. 

Collier, John, 119 n. 

Company of One Hundred As- 
sociates, the, 9. 

Coquart, Father, 151. 

Cornwallis, Edward, governor 
of Nova Scotia, DO, 62, 71, 
72, 73, 75, 78, 80, 81 ; and the 
path of allegiance, 63-7 and 
note; refuses passports to 
the Acadians, 69. 

Cotterell, William, 119 n. 

Council of Nova Scotia, and 
the oath of allegiance, 42-4, 
6^oT5r~T67^T6, 112-13; and 
the governor Adams, 48 ; 
and the Indians, 72, 85, 96 ; 
and the Acadians, 86-7, 97-9, 
100, 107-10, 112-13 ; decide on 



the expulsion^ 115, 118-19 and 
note, 156. See Nova Scotia. 

Daudin, Abbe, arrested and 
examined before the Council, 

Denys, Nicolas, 12 n., 18. 

Des Herbiers, governor of He 
Royale, 67, 72, 73, 80, 81. 

Dick, John, sends French and 
German emigrants to Nova 
Scotia, 61-2. 

Doucette, John, lieutenant- 
governor of Nova Scotia, 32. 

Duquesne, governor of New 
France, 83. 

Du Vivier, Sieur, 50, 51. 

Estaing, Count d', invites the 
Acadians to Santo Domingo, 

England. See Great Britain. 

Fort Gaspereau, surrendered to 
the British, 105. 

France, her colony in Acadia, 
2-3, 9> !0 17-19; her struggle 
with Britain for Acadia, 17- 
23, 24, 25, 27 ; invites Aca- 
dians to settle in He Royale, 
29-30 33> 35; her Acadian 
policy, 33, 47, 88-9 ; at war 
with Britain in Canada, 49- 
58 ; the Nova Scotia boun- 
dary dispute, 71-2 ; her aims 
in North America, 101. See 
New France. 

Frye, Colonel, assists in the 
expulsion, 121-2, 132, 150-1. 

Gilbert, Captain, andjthe ex-. 
pulsion, 122, 123, 

Goldthwaite, Captain, surren- 
ders at Grand Pre, 54-5. 

Goreham, Captain, 73-4. 

Grandfontaine, Hubert de, 
governor of Acadia, 13. 

Grand Pre, New Englanders 
defeated at, 54-5; the ex- 
pulsion of the Acadians of, 

Great Britain, her colonies in 
New England, 7, 8; her 
struggle with France for 
Acadia, 17-23, 24, 25, 27; 
evades fulfilling guarantees 
to Acadians desiring to re- 
move to He Royale, 30-7; 
her colonial policy in Acadia, 
34 ; her war with France in 
Canada, 49-58; by forming 
British colonies in Nova 
Scotia hopes to settle the 
Acadian question, 59-63 ; her 
Acadian policy, 62-3, 67, 86, 
88-9, 90-1, 116-18 ; and the 
boundaries of Nova Scotia, 
71-2 ; determines upon ag- 
gressive action in America, 
102; and the Seven Years' 
War, 137. See New Eng- 

Green, Benjamin, 

Halifax, founding of, 59-60; 

raided, 81. 

Hamilton, Captain, 84. 
Handheld, Major, assists in the 

expulsion, 119, 124-5. 
Hebert, Francois, aids in the 

escape of Acadians, 135. 
Hubert, Joseph, 97. 
Hebert, Louis, 6. 
Hopson, Peregrine, governor 

of Nova Scotia, his concilia- 

tory policy, 83-4, 86, 87, usn., 

Howe, Captain, his treacherous 

murder, 79. 



He Royale, fortified by France, 
29-30 ; captured by British, 
51-2; restored to France, 58. 

IleSt Jean, restored to France, 
58 ; deportation of the Aca- 
dians of, 153-5. 

Indians of Acadia, hostile to 
the British, 24, 25, 40-1, 67 ; 
and the Acadians, 33-4; allies 
of the French, 50 ; on war- 
path against the British, 67, 
72, 73, 78-9, 81 ; a brutal act 
towards, 84-5 ; their insolent 
demands, 95-6 ; impressed by 
British success against the 
French, 105-6 ; join Acadians 
against the British, 153. 

Kirkes, their raids on New 
France, 7, 9, 10. 

La Come, Chevalier de, 72, 75, 

La Galissoniere, French com- 
missioner in the boundary 
dispute, 71-2, 82. 

La Jonquiere, Marquis de, 
governor of New France, 68, 
72, 81, 83. 

Lanneau, John and Basil, 142. 

La Roche, Marquis de, 2. 

La Tour, Charles de, 7-8 ; his 
dual allegiance to France and 
Britain, 9, 12 ; his dispute with 
Charnisay, 11-12; governor 
of Acadia, 12-13. 

La Tour, Claude de, 8 ; a 
Baronet of Nova Scotia, 9. 

Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, his Aca- 
dian descent, 159. 

Lawrence, Charles, lieutenant- 
governor of Nova Scotia, 87, 
iiSn. ; attempts to settle 
colonists at Chignecto Bay, 

74-5, 78 ; his uncompromising 
attitude towards the Aca- 
dians, 89-90, 91-5 ; his Indian 
policy, 95; his aggressive 
policy towards the French, 
102-3 ; decides on the expul- 
sion, 107, no, 113, 115, 118- 
119 and note, 124, 136, 137, 
138, 143, 151 ; serious charges 
against, 155 n. 

Le Blanc, Charles, 97. 

Le Blanc, Charles, an Acadian 
exile, 145. 

Le Blanc, Rt. Rev. Edward, 


Le Blanc, Hon. P. E., 159. 

Le Blanc, Rene, his cruel mis- 
fortune, 139. 

Le Borgne, captures fort at 
La Heve, 18-19. 

Le Loutre, Abbe", stirs up 
Indians against the British, 
50, 53, 67 n., 72, 73, 74, 76, 
77, 80, 95, 96, loo. 

Lescarbot, Marc, 6. 

Lewis, Captain, and the ex- 
pulsion, 121, 134. 

Lords of Trade. See Great 

Louisbourg, surrendered to the 
British, 51-2. 

Louisiana, and the Acadians, 
141, ISO. 

Malecites, the, 2, 53. See 

Marin, besieges Annapolis, 51. 

Maryland, and the Acadians, 

Mascarene, Paul, lieutenant- 
governor, and the Acadians, 
36-7, 48, 55-7, 59. 

Massachusetts, and the Aca- 
dians, 148-50, 156. 



Membertou, a Micmac saga- 

more, 6. 
Menneval, governor of Acadia, 

Micmacs, the, 2, 27, 41, 50, 53, 

72, 74, 83. See Indians. 
^ouc-ktenrColonel, his expedi- 

tion against the French at 

Beausejour, 103-5 > assists in 

the expulsion, 119, 120-1. 
Monts, Sieur de, his colonizing 

venture in Acadia, 3-5. 
Moore, Sir Harry, governor of 

New York, 146-7. 
Morris, Robert Hunter, gov- 

ernor of Pennsylvania, 143-4. 
Murray, Captain, 97, 107; as- 

sists in the expulsion, 119, 

125-6, 127. 

New Brunswick, the Acadian 
population in, 160. 

Newcastle, Duke of, and the 
Acadians, 56. 

New England, and the capture 
of Acadia, 21-3; her dis- 
astrous expedition against 
New France, 25-6 ; at war 
with New France, 50-8, 75- 
76, 78-80, 81-2, 101-3. See 
Great Britain. 

New France, encourages Aca- 
dian hostility towards the 
British, 24, 25, 67; at war 
with New England, 50-8, 75- 
76, 78-80, 81-2, 191-3 ; men- 
aces Nova Scotia, 67, 95. 
See France. 

New York and the Acadians, 


Nicholson, Colonel Francis, 
captures Port Royal, 22- 
23; his abortive expedition 
against New France, 26; 

A.E. M 

governor of Nova Scotia, 28, 

3> 3 1 - 

Noble, Colonel Arthur, meets 
with disaster at Grand Pre", 


Nova Scotia, 27, 30, 34; and 
the Indians, 40-1, 72-4; the 
boundary dispute, 49, 71-2; 
Halifax founded, 59-62 ; war 
between French and British 
in, 75-6, 78-9, 80-2 ; the ex- 
pulsion, 119-37, I52-3. 155; 
the Acadian population in 
1911, 160. See Acadia, Aca- 
dians, Council, Indians. 

Pennsylvania, and the Aca- 
dians, 142-5. 

Pepperrell, Sir William, his 
siege of Louisbourg, 51. 

Perrot, governor of Acadia, 14. 

Perry, Captain, 121. 

Philipps, Richard, governor of 
NovaTScotia, and the oath of 
allegiance, 35, 37-8 ; and the 
Indians, 40-1, 46 ; his suc- 
cessful administration, 44-6, 
47, 65-6, 112. 

Phips, Sir William, his capture 
of Port Royal and siege of 
Quebec, 20-1. 

Poirier, Hon. Pascal, 159. 

Port Royal, 3, nn. ; French 
settlements at, 5-8 ; raided by 
Argall, 6; Scottish settle- 
ment at, 17-18 ; its final sur- 
render to the British, 21-3. 
See Annapolis Royal. 

Poutrincourt, Baron de, sei- 
gneur of Port Royal, 3-4, 5, 7. 

Preble, Major, 121. 

Prince Edward Island, the 
Acadian population in, 160. 
See lie St Jean. 



Quebec, and the Acadians, 151- 
152, 157. 

Ramesay, his expedition into 
Acadia, 52-3, 55. 

Raymond, Count de, governor 
of He Royale, 83. 

Razilly, Isaac de, 10-11. 

Richelieu, Cardinal, and Aca- 
dia, 9, 10. 

Robinson, Sir Thomas, his 
conciliatory Acadian policy, 
118 and note, 124. 

Rous, Captain, 80; destroys 
Fort St John, 105. 

Rous, John, npn. 

St Croix, De Monts' settle- 
ment at, 4-5. 

St Ours, at Chignecto Bay, 

Santo Domingo, and the Aca- 
dians, 147. 

Scots Fort, 8, 17-18. See Port 

Sedgwick, Robert, captures 
Port Royal, 18. 

Seven Years' War, and the 
expulsion, 137. 

Shirley, William, his efforts to 
drive the French from Nova 
Scotia, 53, 57, 101-2 ; and the 
Acadians, 56-7, in ; British 
commissioner in the Nova 
Scotia boundary dispute, 82. 

Six Nation Indians, 26; at 
Annapolis Royal, 27. 

South Carolina, and the Aca- 
dians, 140-2. 

Subercase, governor of Aca- 
dia, 21-3. 

Temple, Sir Thomas, governor 
of Nova Scotia, 18. 

Vaudreuil, governor of New 
France, 23, 142. 

Vergor, Captain, 80 ; surrenders 
at Beausejour, 103-5. 

Vetch, Colonel Samuel, 23-7; re- 
fuses Acadians permission to 
remove to He Royale, 30, 31. 

Villebon, governor of Acadia, 

Villeray, commander at Fort 
Gaspereau, 105. 

Virginia, and the Acadians, 141, 

Walker, Sir Hoyenden, his dis- 
astrous expedition, 26. 

Walpole, Sir Robert, and A( 
dia, 34. 

Warren, Admiral, 51. 

Winniett, Madame, her 
in Annapolis, 39-40. 

Winslow, Colonel, assists in 
the expulsion, 119, 127-36. 

Wroth, Ensign, administers 
oath to Acadians, 42-3. 

Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 
at the Edinburgh University Press 


Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton 
of the University of Toronto 

A series of thirty-two freshly-written narratives for 
popular reading, designed to set forth, in historic con- 
tinuity, the principal events and movements in Canada, 
from the Norse Voyages to the Railway Builders. 


1. The Dawn of Canadian History 

A Chronicle of Aboriginal Canada 


2. The Mariner of St Malo 

A Chronicle of the Voyages of Jacques Cartier 


3. The Founder of New France 

A Chronicle of Champlain 


4. The Jesuit Missions 

A Chronicle of the Cross in the Wilderness 


5. The Seigneurs of Old Canada 

A Chronicle of New- World Feudalism 


6. The Great Intendant 

A Chronicle of Jean Talon 


7. The Fighting Governor 

A Chronicle of Frontenac 


The Chronicles of Canada 


8. The Great Fortress 

A Chronicle of Louisbourg 


9. The Acadian Exiles 

A Chronicle of the Land of Evangeline 


10. The Passing of New France 

A Chronicle of Montcalm 


11. The Winning of Canada 

A Chronicle of Wolfe 



12. The Father of British Canada 

A Chronicle of Carleton 


13. The United Empire Loyalists 

A Chronicle of the Great Migration 


14. The War with the United States 

A Chronicle of 1812 



15. The War Chief of the Ottawas 

A Chronicle of the Pontiac War 


16. The War Chief of the Six Nations 

A Chronicle of Joseph Brant 


17. Tecumseh 

A Chronicle of the last Great Leader of his People 


The Chronicles of Canada 


1 8. The 'Adventurers of England ' on Hudson 


A Chronicle of the Fur Trade in the North 

19. Pathfinders of the Great Plains 

A Chronicle of La V6rendrye and his Sons 


20. Adventurers of the Far North 

A Chronicle of the Arctic Seas 


21. The Red River Colony 

A Chronicle of the Beginnings of Manitoba 


22. Pioneers of the Pacific Coast 

A Chronicle of Sea Rovers and Fur Hunters 

23. The Cariboo Trail 

A Chronicle of the Gold-fields of British Columbia 


24. The Family Compact 

A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Upper Canada 


25. The Patriotes of '37 

A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lower Canada 


26. The Tribune of Nova Scotia 

A Chronicle of Joseph Howe 


27. The Winning of Popular Government 

A Chronicle of the Union of 1841 


The Chronicles of Canada 


28. The Fathers of Confederation 

A Chronicle of the Birth of the Dominion 


29. The Day of Sir John Macdonald 

A Chronicle of the Early Years of the Dominion 

30. The Day of Sir Wilfrid Laurier 

A Chronicle of Our Own Times 


31. All Afloat 

A Chronicle of Craft and Waterways 


32. The Railway Builders 

A Chronicle of Overland Highways 


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